Contents
8.
Internal sabotage within TMC: 6
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has shown a radical
surge in Parliamentary election 2019 in West Bengal. While many find this rise
as unexpected and shocking, this article with the help ethnographic research in
Rural Bengal since 2008 shows the possible reasons for such a rise. It appears
that in recent past excepting 2016 when CPIM and Congress had alliance, BJP’s
vote share is rising rapidly in the state. If one compares the 2016 Assembly
election it is an astronomical figure in favour of BJP (Figure 1). I have been
doing fireworks in different places in West Bengal since 2006. Based on such field
experiences and available scholarly works in this article I explore some of the
major reasons that has escalated BJP's rise in West Bengal, a state which was
relatively immune towards Hindutva sentiments until now.
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Figure
1 Vote percentage share of different
political parties in West Bengal since 2006 (Source: indiavotes.com and news
paper reports)
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While,
the three decades of left rule was successful to install an interesting form of
public transaction through ‘party society’ that undermined every other
competing channel, it changed drastically in post left Bengal. There has been a
surge of state sponsored festivals (both secular and religious) that
permanently altered the political landscape of West Bengal once and for all. West
Bengal is one of the soft targets for identity polarisation given the partition
history and repeated riots and state's failure since independence to 1970s when
Left Front took up the office. In my fieldwork sessions since 2006, I have been
to places where Riot like situation was created during the Left’s tenure because
of a) misunderstanding between the communities (e.g. a cow's leg was found in
some temple, but it was carried by a bunch of jackles not by the Muslims), b)
purposive attempt (to polarise) and, c) a mix of the two. These were managed
effectively by the party society. Usually, a school teacher, or a govt employee
would have informed the local party cadres to mitigate the tension even before
it was formed. Whenever an inter-caste or inter-religious marriage took place,
or for that matter any familial crisis arose, it took little time to become
partisan. Booth Committee – Branch Committee – Local Committee has been
champions of quick and easy fixing of a wide range of conflicts which could
potentially spread and instigate further violence and counter violence. Such a
mechanism of public transaction was completely wiped out by the TMC since 2011.
After their landslide victory first, they assumed control over several Left
Front’s party offices and then as an obvious political mechanism they sidelined
the ‘party line’ of control. As an alternative to the organisation based system
TMC depended on a handful of locally powerful elites. In several villages these
elites are often the persons who had to give away land during the Land Reform
movement and had considered the left to be their class enemy. This section had
money and assumed control over a significant section of the rural youth. TMC
used this mechanism and exercised control through a new form of party machinery
which was unknown to the people of West Bengal. Over time, the individual
dependent organisation structure started to show crippling chain of command, role
confusion, area confusion and ultimately dreadful factions. When the Chief
Minister Mamata Banerjee depended on a significant number of film and like
personalities instead of her dedicated party workers for giving tickets to the Parliamentary
Elections in 2014, TMC’s inability to manage faction was clear.
As Political Society and Party
Society got weathered away (as theorised by Partha Chatterjee 2004 and
Dwaipayan Bhattacharyya 2009, 2016), TMC tended to depend more on the ‘cultural’
and ‘representational’ issues which Suman Nath theorised as ‘Cultural
Misrecognition’. Nath (2018: 99) in Economic and Political Weekly shows
that TMC “Instead of bypassing or substituting existing channels of public
transactions, the TMC is inviting existing channels of public transactions to
take place but within the templates provided by them.” Hence, while TMC
undermined and dismantled the party society invited traditional Identity based mobilisations
ranging from Shalishi Sabha to the rise of Religious festivals and
religiousity. Although, with most of the TMC state level leaders’ association
with Durgotsav, it is not surprising to see such an inclination towards
identity-festival-TMC nexus after they assumed political control in the State
Assembly.
As the party began to focus more
on the festivals (one instance is the allocation of funds to the Ministry of
Information and Culture from Rs. 61 Crores in 2010-2011 to Rs. 300 Crores in
206-2017), politico-identity issues began to surface from 2013 onwards. If one
sees the number of riot like violence of the state it shows a steep rise from
2012 onwards (see figure 2).
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Figure
2 Number of riot like conflicts in
West Bengal, Source State data provided to the Parliament
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2012-2013 onwards two major
policy linked events happened, a) provision of a monthly allowance to the Imams
and Muezzins which was considered as an instance of Muslim appeasement by the
state and b) Not allowing Durgotsav procession to go during the Muharram to
avoid communal clashes. Moreover, organising Durgapuja Carnival has often been
seen as a balancing act from the TMC. Ram Navami rallies started to spread rapidly
since 2015-2016 and became aggressive over the years. AAMRA Ek Sachetan Prayas
Forum, an organisation doing serious conflict studies in West Bengal had
documented and Published several reports on the detailed nature of such conflicts
and how these are connected to a) religious festivals including Ram Navami,
Muharram and Durgotsav, and b) hoax faceboook posts in different parts of the
state.
Once, the identity faultline was
opened up, BJP capitalised on it by consolidating the Majority vote including
that of erstwhile Left Cadres.
From
the extent of vote share it appears that the reduction in Left vote from 23% to
6% and rise in BJP from 18% to 40% is self explanatory, but it would be a gross
generalisation if one makes such a streamline conclusion that Left people
simply voted for the BJP. In my ethnographic works, especially in places where
active identity mobilisation has taken place since 2013, I have seen the
proliferation of Rashtriya Swayamshebak Sangha (RSS) led organisations like
Bajrang Dal, Durga Shakti, and Hindu Samhati which has a cross party appeal. In
a couple of articles published in 2019 at International Journal of Conflict
and Violence (IJCV) and at the Journal of Indian Anthropological Society
Suman Nath and Subhoprotim Roy Chowdhury write on the ways in which these
organisations are pulling people from across the political spectrum in the name
of “saving the Hindus”! There are workers belonging to TMC, Left and Congress
who did not hesitate to say that party comes next to the Identity/Community. Such
a divide has been percolating and tearing apart the public sphere through a
variety of mechanisms that range from circulation of videos and texts via
social media to tangible experiences of riots. If one observes the geographical
dimension of the riots it appears that once there is a communal tension at one
place, its adjacent places are affected within months. Among several instances
we can imagine the recent conflicts in Naihati-hajinagar-Chandannagar and
Baduria-Basirhat. While in the first instance a mix of population is notable
(Nath and Roy Choudhury in IJCV article) which includes people from other north
Indian states in the second instance significant minority presence is noted. As
one of the TMC worker in Basirhat says “Nusrat has got votes because of her
identity only, who knows her to be a party worker?... earlier it was the Didi
factor, she could make anyone win, but now its Hindu-Muslim factor!”
While
the popular film actress Nusrat won the Basirhat seat allegedly because of her
identity, TMC lost with its veteran Dinesh Trivedi to Arjun Singh of BJP who
recently left TMC. It has something to do with consolidation of Hindu votes in
the region. Similarly, Assembly by-poll at places like Bhatpara is won over by
BJP defeating experienced TMC leader, Sarada Scam accused Madan Mitra because
of Identity polarisation.
The
discursive sphere of West Bengal since 2018 had one issue in common: the
disgust of the people who could not volte in the Panchayat election. Three
District Panchayats in West Bengal are won over by TMC uncontested.
Additionally as the Election Commission of India data shows about 34% of all
the seats from different tiers are won over by the TMC uncontested. Panchayat
election has been one of the bloodiest elections that the state has witnessed
in recent times. West Bengal has always witnessed high poll percentage,
especially in Panchayat elections. In fact in a Bengali book entitled Shreni’r
Drishtite Gram Panchayat, (Panchayat, seen through the Class) written by
CPIM leader Dr. Surya kanta Mishra voting percentage is shown as one of the
achievements of politically conscious vibrant public sphere. Indeed, as written
by Raghabendra Chattopadhyay, Bhaskar Chakrabarti and Suman Nath in 2010 in Commonwealth
Journal of Local Governance, even though there is a falling percentage of
attendance to the annual Gram Sabha meetings over the years, Gram Sabha continues
to occupy an important position in the Rural West Bengal. With DFID sponsored
Strengthening Rural Decentralisation, during the last phase of the Left ruled
West Bengal has seen special emphasis on the Gram Sabha led Annual Action Plan
preparation. With the advent of TMC’s rule and onslaught of World Bank
sponsored Institutional Strengthening of Gram Panchayat Programme (ISGPP) there
is a parallel shrinking of space for participation in decentralised governance.
Consequently, even though a number of schemes have actually catered the needs
of the rural poor along with the improvement of rural connectivity and
livelihoods support base, people got alienated from the Gram Panchayat. It is
important to note that Gram Panchayats are not only an institution of governance,
but it is an institution that entangled itself with the social fabric of rural
West Bengal. For instance, a Pradhan (chef of a Gram Panchayat) is not only the
office bearer but also a guardian of the region. He is called up to resolve
family issues and often given a lot of respect in different ritualistic
performances.
While,
on the one hand the party society was dismantled, sphere for people’s
participation in democratic functioning of Gram Panchayat was also reduced
significantly. In a 2017 article published in Critical Asian Studies, Subhasish
Ray and Mohan J Dutta show how in Junglemahal (the forested western part of the
state) Gram Panchayat decisions are being implemented bypassing the elected
wing of the Panchayat. They argued that this form of “hyper development” has alienated
people from the development initiatives. Clearly, People’s inability to vote
and stopping people from filing nomination in 2018 election have backfired.
In
a 2017 Economic and Political Weekly article entitled “Everyday Politics
and Corruption in West Bengal” Suman Nath showed how the corruption charges
against TMC especially that of Sarada Scam and Narada bribery could not give
any electoral dividend to the opposition. He further argued that people are
quite habituated to become involved in the corrupt transactions in their
everyday life. Starting with empanelment to employment generation schemes to getting
houses, everywhere party demands money and people are usually willing to pay a
certain amount if that speeds up the process. Such an everydayness of
corruption made the corruption charges virtually insignificant. This scenario,
however, has changed over the last few years. Allegedly, a large number of
people bribed to get employment at variety of positions. News reports of such incidents
made headlines every other day. While corruption charges are not new in West
Bengal, last few years have seen complete open discussion of such bribery and
corruptions in the public sphere. It was well known informally who were asking
money for what. The chain of command was open and sometimes there were
conflicts regarding the percentage share of the money among the party cadres of
different layers. When, BJP came with an alternative form of corruption free
governance system, it got immediate appeal to people at large.
CPIM
led Left parties had a powerful trade union among the government employees. For
clerks and officials it was Coordination Committee and for other people
occupying relatively higher echelons had a variety of associations. Transfer to
distant places happened to be the most feared punishment to anyone getting
involved in anything which party doesn’t approve. There were competing
associations belonging to non-left parties, but they were weak and hardly had
any command over how does the government function or make the decisions. Since
2011 these associations were dismantled through a variety of mechanisms and
slowly administrative wing took over the welfare issues of the workers. While,
it helped bringing back the much needed “work culture” of the offices, a large
sections of the employees disheartened to see the rights to protest and
participate in strikes were dealt with stringent action. A government employee
for last few years is supposed to come not only on the day a strike is called
but also the day before and the day after. Additionally, there are grievances
related to significant difference in Dearness Allowance and delay in
implementation of the Pay Commission benefits. It is said that based on the
calculation of postal ballot which is issued mostly to the government employees
who were involved in election, BJP wins about 39 out of 42 sits in West Bengal.
In
my ethnographic works in different government offices it is found that there is
an ambiance of fear among the employees everywhere primarily because of two
reasons. First, the stringent action taken against those failed to appear on
the days strikes are called. Second, public image of the government employee
has been affected by statements made against such employees by several
political leaders. In consequence, there is an ambiance of fear of becoming
subjected to public and media trial which is anything but a biased and often with
heinous consequences. Government employees are not isolated from the society,
rather they are important nodes to the web of society. Their disgust had
dreadful consequences to TMC’s vote share and perhaps gave confidence to the BJP.
It
might sound unreal to people who know the political landscape of West Bengal if
I say BJP has its organisation strength in West Bengal. However, throughout my fieldwork
in different districts of West Bengal I have encountered BJP’s organisation in
a variety of names. It includes pro-Hindu new organisations like Hindu Samhati,
Durga Shakti and Bajrang Dal long with several existing temple, sacred grove
based local organisations which get funding from Viswa Hindu Parishad and RSS.
Apart from these, several places like North and South 24 Parganas, Hoogly, Bankura,
Paschim Medinipur, Purba Medinipur, Paschim Bardhaman BJP in the name of BJP has
earned popularity. There were already existing workers who earned confidence
with regular visits by central leaderships and state level leaderships. There
happens to be a silent movement “Meri booth sabse Majboot” (my booth is
the strongest) among the BJP players. In several rural places in addition to
identity polarisation and statement like “Hindus are in danger” they also
popularised the notions that people need jobs and self reliance. They also
campaigned based on the Panchayat level corruption and lack of democratic practices
at the Panchayat. I remember before the election in several places there were saffron
flags along with BJP flag hoisted in the paddy fields – something symbolically
state the extent of political percolation in rural sphere.
With
the rise of BJP’s popularity and cadre base, TMC local leaders in many places
panicked. They panicked primarily because of the relatively chaotic
organisation and confusing chain of command within their party network.
Additionally, allegedly there was a huge fund flow along the line of
establishing political control. During poll two BJP workers were arrested
carrying one crore of rupees in a railway station which is symptomatic to the
nature of illegal money flow during the election.
I have
encountered several Left Front supporters and cadres in rural West Bengal who took
help from the BJP cadres to come back to their villages and to fight against
the alleged false cases registered against them by TMC. These are localised and
extremely significant findings to actually show the reasons behind the left’s
support to BJP. Additionally, a simple calculation of enemy’s enemy is a friend
has been playing a background score. In this situation in addition to the
identity issue and Hindu vote accumulation, Left’s vote consolidation under
BJP’s banner is nothing but natural and instinctive.
TMC
has a practice of nominating people with little known political career behind
them. These are the popular faces from the silver screen who managed to win in
2014 election but many of them failed to do so in 2019. As already discussed it
was a master stroke of TMC supreme to deal with the internal and factional conflicts
within the party where it became inevitable that nominating one would make the
other angry. Instead, someone fresh, someone having enough “symbolic capital”
earned from other field (like film and television, theatre, etc.) got the
nomination. This strategy made internal alienation of the workers and leaders
who toiled to curve out political space from the Left and now compete with the
BJP. Consequently, before the parliamentary election several TMC leaders held
open disagreement with TMC’s chain of command. Sabyasachi Dutta exemplifies one
of those leaders who held significant difference in terms of TMC’s decisions. It
is highly likely that there were internal agreements with the opposition forces
in many places in exchange of money and/or promise of ministership etc.
There
are several other individual and microscopic reasons for such an astonishing
rise of BJP in West Bengal. Those require thorough studies. To conclude that the
entire Left vote has changed its camp and got accumulated to BJP would always
entail oversimplification to a much complex and detailed story. Each of the
districts will reveal a different story of the rise of BJP, however, it is
needless to mention whatever issues they have taken up the major axis of BJP’s
rise is on identity mobilisation. A dimension which has been fuelled since 2011
and BJP being champion of it excelled and steered the benefit in their favour.
About
the author:
Suman
Nath, PhD, teaches anthropology in Dr. A. P. J. Abdul Kalam Government College,
New Town, Kolkata. He is doing research on development governance and politics
in West Bengal since 2006. He regularly publishes scholarly and popular
articles in journals like EPW and news papers like Anandabazar
Patrika. His book People-Party-Policy Interplay in India is due to
release from Routledge, New York this year.