Managing Elections in India - Institutions, Helplessness, and the tale of a Presiding Officer

How does the institution called the great Election Commission of India makes it's machineries depend on the local politics? And what happens afterwards? By virtue of being a group a gazetted officer of "not so important" institution of public machinery I have been opted in for booth level election work since 2011. I do not mind it and nor I went to Courts or attempted to "manage" my name to be stroke off from the list of Presiding Officers ever. I knew I would learn and more importantly experience something unique about the grassroots politics, election procedure and democracy at large. In each of the duties in Patashpur, Nandigram and in Dumdum I have gathered something new and unique. With an exception to Nandigram, the rest two cases I have seen a helpless situation of the Polling party which the local political players capitalise on. I have written in details of the Patashpur and Nandigram in my forthcoming book entitled "People-Party-Policy in India". The generalised experience and how does a government employee generally behaves inside of the Polling booth under "pressure" has been written in a movie review "Newton".

Therefore, here I would only focus on my experiences in Dumdum constituency to show a) how gruesome the experiences can be, b) how the gruesomeness can be translated into the electoral benefit of the locally powerful goons and c) what happens when they fail to make electoral gains out of infrastructure deficit because of the strong resistance from the Presiding Officer?

The fear factor theory

Election duty happens to be the most feared and stressful duties that the government extract from their cadres. The fear factor is induced from the very training days. From the first training onwards, in each of the three places I got trained the fear factor is disseminated from the trainers, discussed among the trainees and percolated from the veterans to the novices. Trainers, themselves are often not allotted booth level duties and hence what they know is only some bookish and theoretical understanding of what can be done and how these are done. While, there are many success stories of polling team but as we know successful poll operation attracts people but fear factor has more realistic impact and instinctive responses.

Hence, in each of the training programmes you are made aware about the new addition to the already existing Everest size paper works and details of how to submit these papers and in what ways. They will clearly state "you will have the authority of a Magistrate but you know you are not a Magistrate, you people know how to tackle things and manage the poll peacefully." These sort of messages have multiple meanings and usual understanding of the people is a) we are helpless, we have to save our life first, b) we have to let them(political parties) do what they want to do, c) we can protest and stop it from happening if we are given adequate and ready to fight central force.

Infrastructure deficit and crippling chain of command

While the fear factor is more theoretically percolated than experienced, poor to non-existing infrastructure is regularly experienced. In most of the cases, the infrastructure deficit is 'managed' by the polling team from the local resources. Who are these local resources providers? Yes, locally influencial political leaders and their notorious cadres. While, the team carries bundles of papers, Electronic Voting Machines, Paper trailing machines (VVPAT) and some personal belongings in over crowded buses, it's not possible for them to carry buckets, tables chairs, or a 1000liter water tank and a toilet!  

A Presiding Officer is supposed to report about every discomforts to the sector officer. A sector officer is usually a mid level cadre of some public office who is given these additional duties during the poll.  They are equally helpless and often inefficient as well. Inefficient because, the kind of management skill these sort of service requires is not readily available to everyone.

Infrastructure of my booth in 2019 

I was given a club high plinth with a concrete roof, a large and completely open space where yearly Durgotsav of the club takes place. It didn't have a toilet or a water source. It was mid May with a temperature rising above 42 degrees celcius and 80 percent of humidity. The real feel was near 50 degree celcius. Another polling party was tagged with me who were supposed to conduct their poll in about a 8 feet by 6 feet club room packed with a few immovable furntures.

While both the polling party was already exhausted after a day of steaming inside the temporary structure of stuffy distribution centre crowded by a few thousands of polling personnel it was simply not possible for them bear anything any more. I called up the sector officer and he said he cannot anything about it. It's been decided by the district level officers and that he has repeatedly told them not to hold election in these centres. Then he said you kindly arrange things locally.
The handbook of presiding officers has clearly stated a polling party should not take any local hospitality as it might bring a conflict of interest. When I quoted he simply said "handbook has so many things to say brother" the phone was then disconnected. The next person to call was the central control room. After a few attempts they picked up the call and told me you have to do it there only as it's decided.

Local influencial masculinity steps in

I disconnected my phone only to see a bunch of boys belongings to the age group of 30s and 40s. One of them wearing a uttorio (a traditional long piece of cloth one keeps on his neck) clearly denoting their political identities. A person in white T-Shirt came and asked "this is the place where polling takes place, you tell me what you need, we will arrange."
Me- but you know we are supposed to get it from the commission.

White T shirt- take it from us. Which office do you belong to, where do you stay? (With an unmistaken authoritative tone).

Me- right now I am representing Election Commission of India here, I am a presiding officer and you are not supposed to know anything more than that.

White T shirt - visibly disappointed with my response replied ok. Tell us what is needed.

Me - tables chairs and cleaning staff and table fans, light a water source and a toilet!

White T shirt - yes central force also demanded that a bio toilet and water tank is on its way. White T shirt left.

One of my team mates while appreciating the way I gave direct reply to the white T shirt also worried about it's consequences. I told the central force not to allow anyone inside the booth without identity proof and the passes that I will issue on the next day. Meanwhile, the white T shirt came and told they have arranged for a couple of empty apartments nearby where we can stay the night and then come back in the next morning to start the election procedure with an assurance of every possible hospitality. I outright rejected the proposition and Central force followed. Meanwhile the bio toilet came - a stuffy, smelly small toilet for 14 people to pee, and to shit. I found myself completely dehydrated and discovered at about 12:30  in the night that the last time I peed was at my home at around 8:00am. Amazing, what a human body can do I thought.
We could finish the paperwork by 1:30 am and spend the night fighting with mosquitoes, heat and smelly toilet which was parked nearby. When we continued to fight, we watched Central forces people continue to guarding the booth on rotation. Unlike us they carried their mosquito nets. The senior most to the team held a fatherly gesture asking us to get some sleep before the big day. At around 2:00am a couple of boys came (one of them I doubt would be about 15 years old) to install a CCTV camera to the booth. What an intrusion to our already devastated night time privacy!

On poll day an interesting dimension was brought forth by the White T shirt "can we keep the mock poll (mock poll is an essential step of showing the machines functioning properly before th actual post starts) data and I will give you names and papers for that. It will speed up the process.
I took some time to digest that I was actually being told that. I won't do that was my conclusive reply. 

White T shirt - we are doing so many things, can't you do this little help to speed up the process.

Me- no, if politics is a profession you need to work hard and I am not going to bend any rule even an inch. 

White T shirt left and the polling agents came I could start the poll on time.

The story under the influencial masculinity

Local ruling party's representative of my neighbour booth told me on the previous nifht that he will bring all other polling representatives and they will sit together, talk and enjoy the largest festival of the democracy. I was sceptical but then I saw that was actually happening. Both the booths had representatives from TMC, CPIM, and BJP and it was possible because of a few people from the ruling TMC who ensured that the other parties do represent at the booth. This might be a subtle political strategy for the peri-urban sector, but what that TMC representative told me is important. Previous night at around 10:30 he told me in an informal conversation that we don't like these party difference to percolated into our local relations. We have tried to ensure that. Earlier CPIM used to call us to represent our party inside the booth, even they used to sponsor our foods and refreshments, now we do that. Referring to the white T shirt as (I have referred to earlier) he said it's people like him that attempts to destroy our social fabric. He is the husband to the local counsellor and has earned a bad name by intimidating people and doing illegal transactions. It's people like him we are being scolded by our wives that why should we continue doing party politics.

That might be an outcome of their faction I thought, but the informal atmosphere made me feel some genuine and honest feeling in those words. It was a very hot night and I had hundreds of paperwork pending that compelled me to put my ethnographic self at rest! Yes it's sad, but I had to.

'Requests'

As the white T shirt could not make us surrender to his offer of hospitality and then subtle threats "we are offering so many things and can't you do this little much for us?" During poll I started getting some peaceful requests like a) kindly allow those not bringing their identity cards; b) let us caste a few votes for our friends who couldn't make it; c) those old uncles and aunts who wanted us to vote for them and the like. I peacefully rejected them simply saying "I won't do that", "why earn a bad name of the locality for a few votes" and once a little harsh "stop this unhealthy competition among the booths you people are earning more bad names than votes." The atmosphere remained friendly till the poll was over. However, I got phone calls repeatedly asking if everything was peaceful as there were reports of voilence from other booths nearby. By the end of the poll each of polling agents and my team became friendly enough to share some family details, possible career choices of their sons and daughters, likes dislikes and other details. Unless they are saturated with hatred filled from outside two humans in any given day won't fight with each other - I thought.

Masculinity comes back

Around 6:30 the white t shirt along with one of his followers came riding a bike shouting in some booths because of the presiding officers polling is still continuing and there are instances of violence. A few of my friends were doing their duties nearby and one of them being very close to me was not picking up the phone and I was tensed.

I ask him where did it happen? (Never imagined he was that angry on me)

He didn't reply but repeated the sentence about violence and fault of the presiding officer. I repeated my question.

He came to me with all his aggression and shouted "did I repeat the question about your residence and service identity when you refused to give me that"

I said "oh, really! A.    N.    D?

He shouted "this is bad presiding officer guys, don't let him go before you are satisfied with the paperwork. If he makes any mistake lock him up! He over do things."

A person sitting outside the booth belonging to the same political party asked him to leave.

I laughed sarcastically and told the agents hey guys you check with form 17C the one I am supposed to give to you and wanted to say something to the white t shirt but he left as the central force was there and they came near and looked at me.

As an obvious effect my party was a bit tensed. We are in an unknown territory and one of the local goons was angry on us, more particularly on me. Just to encourage and finish the pending tasks swiftly, I said, don't worry if he touches me his political career will be finished! He will be arrested.

Underlying the masculinity

My agents and the other agents from the neighbouring booth repeatedly said that they felt bad for the incident and that it should not have happened. In fact the one representing the same party in my booth was visibly disappointed and said "i never thought something like this will be said to you". I smiled and said most of the unthinkables are actually done by the humans.

As we left the place several people including  the agents from different parties waved their good byes and best wishes. We knew the last part of the struggle awaiting us at the Receiving Centre where completely exhausted people from all corners will quarrel among themselves to deposit hundreds of documents and machines.

A few questions before I end it inconclusive

While it is true that there are places where a serious shortage of public buildings is noted, but does that warrant the Election Commission to push their officers towards a complete disaster without preparation?

While it compels each of the teams to compromise the rules framed by the institution itself, doesn't it question the very integrity of the institution itself to it's public image?

While, we heard much about the polarised public sphere of West Bengal along the party line, (and more recently along the identity line as well) the place we have experienced election indicates the value of social fabric and also the nature of practice at grassroots. I have seen completely opposite picture in many places in West Bengal, but this too exists and no exception.

The polling booth one on the high plinth used for durgapuja and another one on the righthand small warehouse like structure.

A few voters came as early as 5:30am

The bio toilet (blue structure), and water reserver.

Newton - from an anthropologist-cum-government employee's self

Newton tells a tale of a government employee who wanted to perform his duty, nothing more and nothing less, of course, the duty appears to be a tough one- the one which people are not happy to perform. I am not a movie critic nor I have the capacity to review anything let alone a movie review, but this is going to be an experience of an interface of my government servant self and anthropologist self with the narrative called Newton.

The storyline in sum:

The story is that of a newly recruited government official, Mr. Newton and his experience in performing the presiding officer's duty at Maoist hotbed of Dandakaranya. He was equipped with pen, paper and presiding officers' diary and an already terrorised polling team. They reach at a nearby Central Reserve Police Camp by helicopter and then by army jeep to spend the night at a CRPF camp. Next day, early morning he was told by the CRPF commander  not to go to the place. After some  near-fight situation he made CRPF team to go to the polling booth by crossing a jungle terrain. He set up booth in an abandoned school building within a burned down village, apparently by the CRPF themselves. The BLO officer (a government employee, originally from the neighbouring area who carries updated voters' list) - a local Gond lady accompanies them and no one came to vote until there was an international media house planning to cover India's 'deep democracy.' Suddenly the CRPF personnel went to the nearby two villages to bring men by beating them up. Meanwhile, Newton tried to make them understand what voting is, what leader means and why parliament is important. As expected they couldn't understand and the voting procedure became a farce. Newton tried  a lot but failed. However, Gonds did understand their own rules, own Patel's (village chief) potential and wanted their Patel to represent them to Delhi. However, voting was staged and the international media house reports India's beautiful democratic procedure even in the remotest corner as the booth was set up for only 76 voters. Soon after the media left, there was a sound of firing and the CRPF commander instructed them to leave the place. The commander wanted to wrap up the process much earlier but since Newton protested he had to stay. However, since there was a sound of firing, Newton and his team started to evacuate but Newton sensed with few hints of the BLO lady that it was all staged. He first fled to reach back the polling station chased by the CRPF jawans to finally get caught and dragged back. On his way he met a group of young men coming to vote. Since the CRPF tried push them away Newton took up arm from the commander and compelled them to set up a temporary booth in the middle of the jungle. After the voting process was over, he gave away the arms, he was severely beaten up by the CRPF jawans. The film ends with Newton wearing a neck collar and the BLO lady making a visit to his office. He seems to be the same person working busily according to schedule.

The parallel movie inside the theatre

There was a parallel movie running inside the theatre mostly through passing comments and laughter.


A few examples might suffice the contention

Newton asking one of the election trainers about the reasons and possible measures to transform the work culture of the public offices. The trainer says 'you will be like them soon'
People say - thhik bolechhe, rightly said and laughter breaks
The trainer continues '... or just continue your duty honestly and remember honest is not something to be pride about, it should be a regular thing, you are not doing anything extra'

silence from the spectators and a few commented 'can this happen? Meaning this cannot happen.'

When Newton instructs and imposes his 'magistrate' authority as presiding officer over CRPF

People - 'he is gone mad'

When village leader fails to understand the system of parliament and voting

People - loud laughter and a few passing comments 'shame on our country', 'Arrey these people are like this only'

When CRPF pushes the villagers, even beat them up to make voter turn out

People - laughter continues

When CRPF asks one of the old village lady to cook one of her livestock for delicious deshi chicken for their lunch.
People- uff deshi chicken, and laughter.

When CRPF finally beat up Newton
Yes laughter again. Some even said why should he took up the gun and challenged authority.

There were several fine tuned and unsaid moments deeply embedded in the film that actually created a parallel narrative of authority relations, power positions and helplessness of all characters involved.

Experiences of a government employee

everything can't be said being a public servant but there are dimensions that can be revealed. Let me just jot down quickly. I know you are already looking at the size of this manuscript!

Dimensions of misuse of authority positions-

Lets break the stereotype that people in authority exercise authority and often do things which are white collar crime or misuse of power or plain and simple corruption. Interestingly, whoever posseses whatever authority has a potential to misuse it. For example if you are a group D staff in charge of giving photocopy of a particular application forms you can tell your superior 'sir the copies are exhausted please come tomorrow.' If that superior staff is a newly recruited, the one who might believe in you, will go back and come again. Likewise, the superior official one day will find out that group D staff will do things easily if he is given a cigarette. Or may be some affiliation to an organisation or a particular superior or senior person would help! Its a vicious cycle that continues. I began with the lowest position but it continues at different levels and with complex combinations under a catchall umbrella term 'office politics'. Newton has precisely shown with a fun filled feature these issues, often subtly. His supposedly protectors, supposedly working under him because of his magistrate power given by Election Commission of India has been undermined by the CRPF jawans over and over again first through verbally and then physically and all of them remain unchanged.

Corruption in everyday offices

There are certain things which we already have forgotten as corruption. For example to reach office late or to leave early, to do task unmindfully, to loose papers or not to search for the one because searching for one is strenuous but getting another photocopy from the incumbent is easy. We have forgotten that giving services in exchange of money (or Gift in Mauss's term!) because you occupy certain authority position is corruption (it includes private tuition as well). One major issue that Newton addresses is precisely this form of corruption. His complain in his everyday office life and then casual attitude of the polling team portrays these forms of corruption well. Dreze and Sen (1996, India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity) has referred to these forms in their book quite effectively.

Corruption and its acceptance - corruption as culture

Newton brings the accepted dimensions of corruption beautifully. The spokesperson of the Gond tribe happens to be the BLO lady who often says 'humari iyha aisa hi hota hai'- this is what happens here when they see no one was coming to vote or CRPF forcefully brings men to vote. When the tribal had to come, they were asked if they think this voting will bring any change in life and one of them replied 'no' and then continued to shake his head. A spectator would wait for a while if there is any addition to that answer- however, he utters no again.
 

As the CRPF people forcefully brought men, they seem to be accepting such beating naturally and as instructed started to cook the deshi chicken - their extremely valuable livestock.

Election experience - no one is Newton

Not everything that a presiding officer experiences can be documented. Not only because of the nature of secrecy but because of his own inaction (for a variety of reasons) that might land him to a big trouble - yes, no one is Newton. Election happens to be an extremely difficult situation for everyone. Most of the government employee is afraid of election and some of them often engages in corrupt practices including bribing the superiors or block office officials to drop their names. It was also shown in Newton. However, the director doesn't know or didn't want to spend time on but the nature of chaos of polling would have added to the black comedy meaningfully. A person would loose all his strength just in collecting materials and then reaching the polling station in scorching heat of May Indian summer. Then there are (useless) supposedly the most powerful paper works and a presiding officer is expected to sign a thousand times perhaps. These strenuous works are the checks and balances of democracy. Papers that no one reads. As a presiding officer Newton asked what will happen if Maoist comes the trainer brilliantly told not to play a hero, and give them everything they need as there will be re-election.


None of the officials ever thought of or made plan for what to do if CRPF or the protectors play dirty! Precisely what happens when you go to booth. If the forces cooperate you can achieve a fair election. All polling personnel know they can dispose their duties if there is a central force protection and if there isn't any, they cannot do anything and have to compromise.

I know presiding officers beg to the polling agents to stop rigging after a while and also take upper-hand when  there is a strong security assistance and keep the election run smoothly.

Newton represents an unique case in an unique place and yes, no one is newton in real life! But wait there are many Newtons inside, waiting for the right situation that never comes.

Experience of an anthropologist

As an anthropologist working in the area of politics and governance I will focus on certain brilliant portrayal of larger and often theoretical issues that Newton addresses.

First the question of multiplicity and democratic failure. As a pragmatic cultural relativist I see the conflict of tribal world view, their system of governance and political authority as completely with parliamentary democracy as 'natural'. When asked for their choice over their representatives they readily identified their 'Patel' - the village headman. A quite obvious choice from their worldview but a comedy for us hence the spectators laughed. The laughter is not to be cherished, the laughter is representing civilisation and tribal world interface where the tribal people are supposed to get marginalised over and over again.
 

Second, to enhance the nature of marginalization we have developed elaborate system: Administration, Judiciary, Education and Security forces. Hence, when the BLO lady, a school teacher by occupation, says she finds it extremely difficult to teach these people because they don't understand Hindi and there is no book in Gondi language, it doesn't only say about language supremacy and hegemony but also questions why these people need to learn them at all - some supposedly 'superior' civilisational system? The answer is easy, of course, to make them discipline in hegemonic terms and conditions of the civilisation, yes you can remember Foucault here.

Third, the behavioural supremacy of the representatives of the state. They exercised force and violence, snatched away village livestock, burned down their villages. All are summed up in BLO's words. When Newton sees some scripts of protests on the wall of the shattered school building he asked 'did the villager write all these?' The BLO lady responds 'some reaction is expected isn't it sir? Especially when your village is burned down!'


Yes, during my fieldwork days I have seen places where Maoists are the sole help providers, running parallel government because state never looked at them, never cared for. There are other places where people are kicked of regularly by both the Maoists and the state.
 

In sum, newton portrays the naked reality of the entire issues of governance, human rights and helplessness as framed in AC rooms and executed top down. It also projects the experiences of a few people who still wants to work and bring changes. Newton  as a black comedy brings laughter to the spectators because doing what is right is increasingly seen as stupidity. Perhaps this is the time we think, rethink and try to internalise the over used quote 'be the change you want to see!' I am not sure if this quote even holds any significance especially after watching Newton and seeing the parallel movie among the spectators in the theatre, but yes we can and we should hope.

Election or Occupancy: Are We in a Position to Choose?

Since the beginning of nomination filing for the forthcoming Panchayat election frequent issues of political conflicts are occupying news headlines. This conflicting situation and post conflict blame game is not unique to 2013 Panchayat election only, rather similar incidents are becoming increasingly common for last few elections. Even elections of much lesser significance like School committee votes, college students’ union formation have witnessed unprecedented violence in recent period. There is a trend of use of the term ‘occupancy’ (dakhol) instead of election (nirbachan) to characterise the so called democratic process which reflects a particular way of thinking of the political parties in contemporary West Bengal.

It is important to look at the background factors that are responsible for these conflicts to find out why political parties try to capture Panchayats and often tend to undermine the fair democratic process of winning elections. In my anthropological fieldworks in different parts of Bardhaman, Purba Medinipur, Paschim Medinipur, Purulia, Bankura, and Murshidabad I have seen strong fissures based on political orientation. Although rural West Bengal is often portrayed as a peaceful place where the political conflicts occur only when election takes place, this is precisely not the case. Rural party politics remains conflict bounded throughout the year. Panchayat as a Local Governance system rarely enjoys freedom in delivering public goods in a closely knitted and prominently divided party based society. It is seen that from the decisions of choosing the beneficiary for MGNREGS to large-scale works like construction of roads and distribution of tube-wells are based on electoral calculations. For example, in a coalition GP (Gram Panchayat, the lowest of the three tier system), suppose X has 5 Y has 3 and Z has 2 and the opposition has 2 there will be a percentage calculation within the coalition. The total 10 seats (X+Y+Z, of course opposition is excluded from the calculation) represent 100 percent and hence X with 5 seats will pull approximately 50 percent of the total public goods to be distributed which sidesteps prioritisation process often undermining Annual Action Plan – a feature I have seen in several GPs in Bardhaman, Purba and Paschim Medinipur, Murshidabad, Purulia and Bankura. In a single party ruled GP there are more serious problems with party factions and leaders having stronger network with higher political authorities tend to dominate the entire distribution process. Hence, skewed allocation of public services characterise many Panchayats in West Bengal. There are few exceptions where voice of the opposition gets manifested and Annual Action Plans are strictly followed. Otherwise skewed resource allocation is a quite consistent picture of the state. While different studies focus on the importance of functionally effective Gram Sabhas to enhance the performance of a GP, these democratic participatory processes are frequently avoided, instead decisions are taken by the powerful political leaders. In 2003 when GoWB initiated the formation of Gram Unnayan Samiti in each and every village constituted by the elected representatives, nearest opposition and nominated members like government employees, teachers and Self Help Group members aiming at apolitical planning and implementation, I saw conflicts and bloodsheds in Purba Medinipur, Murshidabad, and Bardhaman as local political leaders perceived Gram Unnayan Samiti as another platform to exercise political authority in addition to Panchayats. In paper it was a selection of ideally non political people. Villagers were supposed to name and then raise their hands in support of the name in an open forum. However, in practice I have seen that in many villages two panels are placed by two parties and eventual open voting revealed everybody’s political identity. This is indicative of existing polarised condition of the villages where Panchayat functions. Although regularised elections, land reforms, and better distribution of public goods have helped GPs to gain trust of the villagers under Left Front Regime, in last few years, different studies have focused on the increasing politicisation of Panchayats.

With increasingly more resources being distributed through the Panchayat machinery especially after the onslaught of direct benefiting schemes like MGNREGS, IAY, Old Age Pensions, etc., controlling Panchayats virtually ensures gaining political control over a considerably large population. Present pre-election violence represents politically fragmented and polarised nature of rural West Bengal. In different election campaigns leaders are terming their political oppositions (Rajnaitik Pratipakhkha) as enemy (Shatru) to be wiped out and their cadres are following the instructions wherever a party has strength. Pre-election violence installed by regular direct and indirect threats including party instructions to vote for them, violent conflicts between opposing parties, biking rallies, bringing outside yobs either compel people to vote for a particular party or to avoid voting. Beating out opposition party cadres, attacking party offices, stopping people from participating in election process always effectively create an image of fear that heavily influence patterns of democratic function in a region. Constitutional bodies like Election Commission can only attempt a fair election with adequate protection during the election period. However, they can neither provide long-term solution to the problem of political fragmentation nor can ensure security in everyday life. As a result using people’s feeling of insecurity political parties continue to practice occupancy rather than election. If political parties do not stop avoiding, undermining and disrespecting the democratic process, administration does not work in a judicial manner and people do not become more politically conscious, West Bengal will see more instances of political violence and development process will continue to get affected.