Beyond the Cult of Personality: The Permanent (?) Power of the RSS

Source: https://www.rammadhav.in/articles/rss-at-100/

It is a pervasive error in contemporary Indian political analysis: we remain fixated on the visible political face—the individual leader, the electoral cycle, the current party manifesto. So for example, we tend to concentrate on Modi or for that matter Mamata and not the people who work behind the scene. For Modi, this is much more important, as he is an ultimate product of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) - an unparalle ideological organisiton that now shapes much of Indian landscape. To truly understand the long game being played out in India's democracy, we must tear our eyes away from the political stage and focus on the organizational depth and ideological engine that provides the actual governing blueprint: the RSS.

The prevailing narrative often treats the Sangh Parivar as synonymous with its political instrument, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). This conflation is a mistake that dangerously underestimates the durability and systemic nature of the Hindutva project. As noted political scientists, including Walter Andersen and Shridhar Damle, have long argued, the RSS is not merely a volunteer wing or a think-tank; it is best understood as a "super-party" or a parallel institutional structure, acting as a shadow state operating outside the bounds of constitutional accountability. Its longevity and influence are entirely independent of who happens to be the Prime Minister this decade. The true source of RSS power is not charisma, but cadre and routine.

The Engine of Obedience: Shakhas and Pracharaks

The Sangh’s operational genius lies in its dual structure of the shakha (the daily branch meeting) and the pracharak (the full-time missionary). While the political theatre captures headlines, over 70,000 daily shakhas are quietly operating, functioning as decentralized ideological cells. These aren't political rallies; they are sites of 'character-building'—physical drills, ideological indoctrination, and the constant cultivation of a homogeneous, masculine Hindu Rashtra consciousness. This grassroots discipline ensures that the movement is rooted in daily life, not just five-yearly elections. It is here, in the physical commitment and ideological repetition, that the deep, long-term conditioning of the swayamsevak (volunteer) takes place.

More critical still is the Pracharak system. These are men who commit their lives—often practicing celibacy and renouncing family and professional life—to the organisation's cause [Andersen & Damle, 2019]. They are the highly dedicated, ideologically indoctrinated, full-time staff who are seamlessly deployed across all sectors: politics, labour, education, and civil society - you name it RSS has it.

When a political wing needs leadership, it is the pracharak system that furnishes the cadre. From district-level organisers to Chief Ministers and even the Prime Minister, many of the BJP's most effective politicians are simply pracharaks reassigned to a political mission. This one-way street—where the RSS lends its human capital to the BJP—underscores the relationship: the political party is an instrument, and the organisation is the permanent master.

The Real Command Structure

The command centre of the Sangh does not sit in the Prime Minister's Office in New Delhi; it resides in the Sarsanghchalak's office in Nagpur. The Prime Minister is an elected official, accountable to the Constitution and the voters. The Sarsanghchalak (Chief) is the ideological and spiritual guide, appointed for life, without accountability to any democratic process. The transfer of power within the RSS—by nomination from the predecessor—guarantees absolute ideological continuity and protects the core mission from popular political volatility.

The executive head of the RSS is the Sarkaryavah (General Secretary), who is elected by the Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha (ABPS). This operational leadership is the true nerve center that coordinates the sprawling web of the Sangh Parivar. It is this figure, working closely with the Sarsanghchalak, who dictates the direction and sets the priorities for the entire network—including the political wing.

Political scientists have long referred to the RSS as a "super-party" or "state within the state" precisely because of this structure. It can hold its political affiliate accountable, veto key policy positions, or, if necessary, orchestrate a leadership change within the BJP itself to protect the sanctity of the broader Hindutva mission. The politician is replaceable; the system is not.

Penetration, Not Just electoral Victory. The greatest measure of RSS success is not the number of seats the BJP wins, but the depth of its penetration into everyday society and cultural practices.

The Sangh Parivar is a constellation of nevery fully known number of affiliating organisations —from the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) in religion and the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) in labour to Vidya Bharati in education. In addition to that, they have hundreds of NGOs. These organisations function as ideological foot soldiers, embedding the core message into every segment of society where direct political intervention would fail.

Therefore, even if the BJP were to suffer a debilitating electoral defeat tomorrow, this network would not vanish. The teachers in Vidya Bharati schools would still teach an RSS-approved version of history; the local shakhas would still run daily; the cultural narrative of "Hindu victimhood" would still be championed by the VHP. The political victory merely provides the opportunity to accelerate the mission; the organisation is the engine that keeps it running permanently.

To look at India’s political landscape through the narrow lens of election results is to willfully ignore the monumental organisational effort that has been underway since 1925. The challenge to secular, constitutional democracy is not rooted in the ephemeral popularity of a single leader, but in the permanent, dedicated structure of the RSS. Until this distinction is clearly understood, analysts and opposition parties alike will continue to confuse the political instrument with the ideological master. The greatest threat is not a powerful politician, but the indestructible organisation behind them.

Having said that, it is equally important to understand that the increasing reliance of RSS and a rising public perception that equates BJP’s success with Modi-Shah duo can be counterproductive. So, if any decision made by them becomes unsuccessful or brings damage to the party, it would then be attributed to RSS’s failure. This centralising tendency bears the risk that India has witnessed before during Indira Regime.