Why Political Violence in Bengal Refuses to Die — And What It Says About India’s Democracy

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From the Maoist-hit jungles of Junglemahal to the burning streets of riot-torn suburbs, West Bengal has been India’s laboratory of political violence for decades. But here’s the twist: it’s not just about politics. It’s about jobs. It’s about power. It’s about becoming someone in a world that offers little else.

Violence in Bengal doesn’t just erupt—it’s manufactured, curated, and circulated through what I call a “fluid machinery of violence.” And no, this isn't about random street fights. This is ethnographic evidence of how violence becomes an alternative career path, how thugs turn into protectors, and how democracy is gamed from the grassroots up.

For over 15 years, I’ve conducted multisite, longitudinal ethnographic research in some of Bengal’s most volatile districts. What I found is disturbing: the same people who once fought Maoists in tribal belts are now fighting Muslims in working-class towns. The faces change. The uniforms change. The script does not.

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From Red Flags to Ram Navami: The Shapeshifting of Violence

In 2008, the forests of West Bengal were on fire—figuratively and literally. Armed Maoists were killing politicians, and the state retaliated with “village militias” like the Gram Shanti Raksha Bahini (Village Peace-Keeping Force). These vigilante groups were born out of fear but morphed into a formidable network of enforcers.

But the real shift came when these so-called protectors turned predators. Political camps set up to counter Maoists became violent nodes of state-backed militia. Young men, displaced or desperate, joined these camps for shelter, food, and a gun. By 2011, this spiral of violence exploded in Netai, where CPIM-linked gunmen fired indiscriminately on villagers, killing nine.

It was the end of one regime—and the birth of another.

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Farming, Cold Storages, and the Economics of Fear

You thought agriculture was peaceful? Think again.

In places like Bardhaman, political violence is intricately linked to the rural economy. Cold storages, rice mills, and “potato bonds” (yes, they exist) are controlled by middlemen who owe their power to political parties. When the ruling party changes, so does the mafia.

Here, violence isn't ideological—it’s transactional. It decides who gets irrigation, who gets to sell potatoes, and who gets beaten up for supporting the “wrong” party. It’s a mafia-like oligarchy, and each tier—from investors to local goons—has a role.

So, when we say "free market" in rural Bengal, it's not just about prices. It's about muscle.

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Ram Navami, Muharram, and the Rise of Identity Wars

Since 2013, another form of violence has surged—low-intensity communal riots. From Canning and Kaliachak to Chandannagar and Asansol, Bengal has seen increasing skirmishes during Hindu and Muslim festivals.

What’s different now is the scripted spontaneity. Whether it's a Facebook post or a procession route dispute, the spark is almost always lit in a deeply polarized, misinformation-laden public sphere. And who fans the flame? Professional goons, local party cadres, and politically connected businesspeople.

These aren’t accidental mobs. They’re actors in a well-rehearsed drama where Ram Navami sword rallies and Islamic Jalsas serve as political theatre.

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Anatomy of a Riot: The Four-Layered Pyramid of Violence

What makes these incidents more than just “law and order” failures is the structure behind them. Based on my fieldwork, political violence in Bengal operates through a four-tiered machinery:

1. Core Group: Mid-level political leaders and economic elites who plan the violence.

2. Professionals: Hired muscle—willing to switch sides if the price is right.

3. Opportunists: Local party workers who loot and burn for reward or recognition.

4. The Public Sphere: Regular citizens radicalized through social media and community whispers.

These layers are porous and constantly in flux. Today’s volunteer becomes tomorrow’s leader. Yesterday’s criminal becomes today’s hero.

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Violence as a Job, a Role, a Performance

The most alarming discovery from my research? Violence has become a career path. In areas with few employment opportunities, becoming a party tough or a religious enforcer is not just tolerated—it’s respected.

They are the local dadas, the ones who “get things done.” And in the absence of formal authority, they become the law.

In this sense, West Bengal doesn’t just have political violence—it has institutionalized violence. And it's not unique. As studies in South Asia show, from Bangladesh’s student riots to India’s communal clashes, violence increasingly functions as a resource strategy rather than an ideological war (Michelutti et al., 2019).

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Why It Matters for India’s Democracy

If you’re wondering why Bengal’s political violence should matter to you, here’s why: it shows how democratic processes can be hollowed out from within. It’s not about stolen ballots. It’s about turning participation into coercion.

When violence becomes the currency of power, elections become mere rituals. Political parties outsource coercion. Citizens outsource justice. And democracy loses its meaning.

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The Warning Signs Are National

Bengal may be the most visible, but it's not an outlier. Similar patterns are emerging across India—from caste-based militia in Uttar Pradesh to communal tensions in Delhi’s fringe districts.

What’s happening in Bengal is not just regional chaos. It’s a national omen.

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Final Takeaway: Don’t Call It Chaos. Call It a System.

Political violence in Bengal is not random. It’s structured, layered, and shockingly resilient. Its agents are not fringe elements; they are deeply embedded in the economic and political fabric of the state.

And the most chilling part? It adapts. Like a virus, it mutates from ideology to economy to identity.

We need to stop seeing these as isolated incidents. They are symptoms of a system. And unless that system is diagnosed and dismantled, we risk normalizing the abnormal—across India.

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Suman Nath is a political anthropologist and the author of “The Production of Political Violence,” published in the Journal for the Study of Radicalism. For the original piece click here

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References:

• Michelutti, Lucia, et al. (2019). Mafia Raj: The Rule of Bosses in South Asia. Stanford University Press. https://www.sup.org/books/title/?id=30961

• Ruud, Arild Engelsen (2010). “Uncivil Politics: Communal Violence and the 'Strongman' in Bangladesh.” In Forum for Development Studies, 37(1). https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410903524783

• Brass, Paul R. (2005). The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. University of Washington Press. https://uwapress.uw.edu/book/9780295744115/the-production-of-hindu-muslim-violence-in-contemporary-india/

• Wilkinson, Steven I. (2006). Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Ethnic Riots in India. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511617114

The Calculated Cruelty: When Violence Becomes a Tool of Patriarchy and Power in West Bengal's Campuses

 

The photo credit goes to here

The recent alleged gang rape of a law student within Kolkata's South Calcutta Law College is not merely another crime against women; it is a chilling testament to the insidious ways in which patriarchal norms, political impunity, and institutional failures converge to perpetuate violence and curb the freedom of women in West Bengal. This incident, eerily reminiscent of the horrific R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital case less than a year ago, lays bare a deeper, more disturbing truth: that for a certain breed of power-wielding individuals, especially within the politicized campus landscape, violence against women functions as a means of control, a tool for exercising dominance, and a chilling expression of a belief that they can "get away with anything."

The parallels between the Kasba and R.G. Kar incidents are stark and deeply unsettling. In August 2024, the brutal rape and murder of a trainee doctor at R.G. Kar Medical College sent shockwaves across the state.¹ The victim's body was found in a seminar room, and a civic volunteer, Sanjay Roy, was later convicted, albeit to a sentence many found inadequate^3,4. Both cases occurred within the very institutions meant to be sanctuaries of learning and safety. Both involved alleged perpetrators with connections, however tenuous or direct, to the institutional or political fabric. The R.G. Kar incident sparked widespread protests against violence against women in West Bengal, yet, as The Wire reported, these protests did little to curb the rising tide of violence in the state^[1].

The Kasba case further amplifies this grim reality. The alleged gang rape of a law student, reportedly by a former student with links to the Trinamool Congress Chhatra Parishad (TMCP)^1,2,5 and two current students, highlights how educational institutions have become fertile ground for the manifestation of unchecked power. The victim's complaint, detailing how she was allegedly confined, assaulted, filmed, and threatened with the release of the footage⁵, underscores the calculated cruelty aimed at not just physical violation but also the psychological shattering of a woman's autonomy and dignity. This is violence as a means of systemic oppression, designed to instill fear and control.

At the heart of this recurring nightmare is the insidious nexus of patriarchy and political patronage. Violence against women, as numerous studies and lived experiences attest, is fundamentally an act of power and control. In a society where patriarchal structures often view women as possessions or secondary citizens, the violation of their bodies becomes a perverse demonstration of dominance. When this deeply ingrained misogyny finds fertile ground in a political system that prioritizes loyalty over legality, the consequences are catastrophic. The alleged perpetrator's reported links to the ruling party's student wing, as highlighted by opposition leaders^1,2, feeds into the public's perception that political affiliation can offer a shield against accountability. This perceived immunity is a significant enabler of continued violence.

This alarming sense of impunity is amplified by the extended absence of student union elections in West Bengal. For over a decade, since 2013, with notable exceptions like Jadavpur University, these elections have largely been suspended⁸. This vacuum in democratic campus governance has created a power dynamic ripe for abuse. Instead of being accountable to a student electorate, campus leaders often derive their authority from political appointments or informal patronage networks. This allows for the rise of "rowdy leaders" who operate with little fear of reprisal from their peers.

The democratically elected student union acts as a vital check and balance. It provides a formal avenue for grievances, ensures student welfare, and, crucially, holds leaders accountable through the electoral process. Without elections, these informal "leaders" or "dadas" (strongmen) operate as local mafias, controlling campus resources, influencing admissions, and often resolving disputes through extra-legal means, as has been reported in the context of "Syndicate Raj" in West Bengal⁹. Their power is consolidated through a combination of fear and the belief among students that aligning with them is necessary for navigating the institutional landscape. When such figures are implicated in heinous crimes like rape, it tragically demonstrates their conviction that their political ties will ensure they "get away with anything."

The very act of threatening to leak videos of the assault, as alleged in the Kasba case, is a stark manifestation of this patriarchal control and the abusers' belief in impunity. It is a calculated move to silence the victim, to weaponize shame and social stigma, and to further curb her freedom by holding her digital existence hostage. This tactic preys on societal judgments against victims of sexual violence, reinforcing the patriarchal notion that a woman's "honor" resides solely in her perceived purity, rather than her inherent dignity and right to bodily autonomy.

The ruling Trinamool Congress's reaction, while condemning the Kasba incident and stating that the law will take its course^1,2, often struggles to shake off the perception of political interference. Previous allegations of police being pressured to suppress complaints or influence victims' families to withdraw charges in other cases of violence against women in West Bengal, as documented by The Wire, contribute to this skepticism¹. When the state's narrative focuses on its NCRB ranking as the "safest city for women" while incidents of this nature continue to emerge, it highlights a disconnect between rhetoric and reality, further fueling the perception of lawlessness and a lack of genuine commitment to women's safety.

To dismantle this dangerous ecosystem, a multifaceted approach is critical. Firstly, the immediate restoration of free and fair student union elections is paramount. This would re-establish democratic accountability on campuses, forcing aspiring leaders to genuinely represent student interests rather than serving political patrons. Secondly, there must be an unequivocal commitment from all political parties to disavow and take strict action against any member, regardless of their position or influence, found to be involved in criminal activities, especially those against women. No political affiliation should ever be a shield for heinous crimes. Finally, law enforcement and college administrations must be empowered to act independently, free from political pressure, ensuring swift and impartial justice. Only by dismantling the structures of patriarchal control and political impunity can West Bengal truly hope to transform its educational institutions into safe spaces where women can pursue their aspirations without the constant shadow of fear and violence.

References:

1.   https://thewire.in/politics/rights/beyond-the-claim-of-safest-place-for-women-the-reality-of-gender-violence-in-west-bengal

2.   https://swarajyamag.com/news-brief/tmc-youth-wing-leader-among-three-arrested-in-kolkata-law-student-gang-rape-case

3.   https://m.economictimes.com/news/india/rg-kar-medical-rape-murder-case-kolkata-court-pronounces-accused-sanjay-roy-guilty/articleshow/117349795.cms

4.   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2024_Kolkata_rape_and_murder

5.   https://www.ndtv.com/kolkata-news/kolkata-law-student-rape-case-2-accused-watched-as-i-was-raped-ndtv-accesses-kolkata-students-complaint-8776302

6.   https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2025/Jun/27/tmc-functionary-two-students-arrested-for-alleged-gang-rape-of-law-student-in-kolkata-college

7.   https://www.timesofindia.com/city/kolkata/kolkata-shocker-student-raped-inside-law-college-three-held-including-staffer/articleshow/122107430.cms

8.   https://studentstruggle.in/where-did-the-student-unions-in-west-bengal-go-what-is-happening-in-campuses/

9.   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syndicate_Raj

 

The Semiotics of Aggression: When 'Gali' Becomes a Political Weapon, the case of Anubrata

Suman Nath 

Mural painted by women in Zone 18, one of the most violent neighbourhoods in Guatemala City April 2018. Part of Safe Cities Programme Guatemala UN Women/Ryan Brown

On May 30, 2024, a four-minute audio clip surfaced, allegedly capturing Mondal using derogatory and abusive language, including threats of sexual violence, against Bolpur’s Inspector-in-Charge (IC), Subrata Halder, and his family. (https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/anubrata-mondal-skips-police-summons-citing-health-issues-but-visits-tmc-party-office-prnt/cid/2105480). This is not an isolated event, nor it is a matter of poor etiquette or a momentary lapse of judgment; it's a calculated strategy, deeply embedded in the political culture, particularly at the regional level. The pervasive use of verbal abuse by political leaders, even against state functionaries like the police, is a symptom of deeper political, social, and cultural dynamics that demand critical examination.

'Gaali': The Unfiltered Language of Power

To truly grasp the phenomenon, one must understand 'Gali' (गाली) – abusive language, expletives, or profanities in the Indian context.  https://www.suppresspress.com/book/language-and-symbolic-power]. Anthropologist Lawrence Cohen describes gaali as a performative act embedded in cultural power dynamics, particularly in masculine and political spheres [Cohen, 1995, Holi in Banaras] [https://doi.org/10.1215/10642684-2-4-399]. Gaali, deeply intertwined with power dynamics, operates as a form of symbolic violence that maintains existing structures through humiliation and fear [https://www.suppresspress.com/book/language-and-symbolic-power]. Its often masculine nature and role in projecting patriarchal authority are illuminated by R.W. Connell's theory of hegemonic masculinity [https://www.politybooks.com/bookdetail/?isbn=9780745634265]. Beyond individual interactions, gaali functions within broader political systems; Kanchan Chandra's patronage democracy highlights its integration into clientelist networks [https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/why-ethnic-parties-succeed/9780521814525]. The impact of gaali is significantly amplified through communication channels, a concept underscored by Marshall McLuhan's media theory [https://mitpress.edu/9780262631594/]. Furthermore, gaali serves as a tool for collective action and political maneuvering; Charles Tilly's social movement theory frames it as a mobilization tactic [https://www.routledge.com/Social-Movements-1768-2004/Tilly/p/book/9781594510434], while George Tsebelis's game theory interprets it as a strategic signal within competitive political landscapes [https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520066779/nested-games]. These frameworks contextualize Mondal’s actions within West Bengal’s socio-political culture and India’s broader dynamics.

Clearly 'Gaali' is far more than just an insult; it's a potent social and cultural tool. While it can be playful among peers, in the political arena, it transforms into a powerful instrument for expressing anger, frustration, or, most critically, asserting dominance [Kaviraj, Sudipta. "Filth and the Public Sphere: Concepts and Practices about Space in Calcutta" (https://shekhar.cc/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/kaviraj.pdf)]. In certain social circles, the ability to deliver a 'Gaali' effectively can even be seen as a sign of strength, authenticity, or a defiant rejection of perceived elitism.

When a political figure deploys 'Gaali', it's a deliberate transgression of formal norms. It signals a willingness to operate outside conventional boundaries, connecting with a raw, unfiltered public sentiment. This makes it a powerful, albeit transgressive, tool in the political lexicon, capable of eliciting strong emotional responses and shaping perceptions of power and authority [The Wire, May 13, 2025 (https://m.thewire.in/article/rights/india-online-trolling-rightwing-doxxing-vikram-misri); It’s the language of the street brought into the hallowed halls of power, designed to resonate with a specific, often marginalized, segment of the population along with the followers, who are often tasked with exercising dominance through violence.

The Iron Fist of Political Control

One of the most immediate and impactful reasons for political leaders to resort to verbal abuse is to overtly exercise and demonstrate political contro through violencel. By publicly intimidating opponents, critics, and even administrative officials like the police, these leaders send an unmistakable signal of their unchallenged authority and their readiness to transgress established norms [The Telegraph India, June 1, 2025 (https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/anubrata-mondal-skips-police-summons-citing-health-issues-but-visits-tmc-party-office-prnt/cid/2105480)]. This aggressive posturing creates an environment where dissent is stifled, and compliance is implicitly or explicitly enforced. When a political figure abuses a police officer without immediate, severe repercussions, it broadcasts a clear message about the power hierarchy. There are triple underlying obligatory meanings attached, to become someone of supreme authority in both tradition and legal-institutitional forms, to be able to operate with impunity that undermining the authority of state institutions, and to be able to normalise violence [The Telegraph India, June 1, 2025 (https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/anubrata-mondal-skips-police-summons-citing-health-issues-but-visits-tmc-party-office-prnt/cid/2105480); Times of India, June 1, 2025 (https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/anubrata-cites-ill-health-to-skip-cop-call-police-issue-2nd-summons/articleshow/121542120.cms)]. Such Gaali by political bosses isn't merely an outburst of anger; it's a calculated performance designed to establish dominance and reinforce the leader's position at the apex of the local power structure. It showcases a capacity to bend or break rules, thereby asserting a form of extra-legal authority that proves highly effective in maintaining control over both party cadres and the local administration [(https://ijirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/POLITICAL-VIOLENCE-IN-WEST-BENGAL-A-COMPARATIVE-ANALYSIS-OF-DIFFERENT-STATES-OF-INDIA.pdf)].

Masculinity: The 'Strongman' Persona

Gaali when seen in broader context projects hegemonic masculinity in West Bengal. Mondal’s 2024 audio, with slurs against Halder’s wife and mother, crafted a “mafia don” persona resonating with rural supporters who equate aggression with strength. This aligns with Connell’s theory, where toughness reinforces patriarchal authority [https://www.politybooks.com/bookdetail?book_slug=masculinities-2nd-edition--9780745634265 ]. Mondal’s role in projects like Deocha-Pachami coal mine bolstered his rugged image. His 2018 threats against police also reflect this masculinity. Filippo Osella’s work supports this, noting gali’s role in gendered hierarchies [Osella, 2004, Men and Masculinities in South India].

However, Mr. Mondal is not alone, the aggressive, often vulgar, language employed by several Indian political leaders incluidng the top ranking ones is deeply intertwined with a specific performance of masculinity. Across many parts of India, particularly in local politics, the "strongman" archetype holds significant sway [Taylor & Francis Online https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14608944.2024.2421009?af=R]. The strongman leaders are then seen as fearless, decisive, and unafraid to use unconventional or even aggressive methods to achieve their objectives. In this context, verbal abuse becomes a performative act of hyper-masculinity, signalling virility, toughness, and an unwavering resolve. It aligns with traditional notions of power where overt displays of dominance and a willingness to confront are highly valued [https://doras.dcu.ie/29387/]. This "macho" image resonates powerfully with a populace that often equates strength with effective leadership, especially in contexts where political power is seen as the key to navigating complex social realities and securing vital resources. The leader who employs 'Gaali' and aggressive rhetoric might be perceived as someone who "gets things done," who is not afraid to challenge authority (even if it's the state's own authority), and who embodies a raw, unrefined power that is seen as more authentic than the polished discourse of elite politicians [Taylor & Francis Online (https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14608944.2024.2421009?af=R)]. This performance of masculinity is a deliberate strategy to cultivate a loyal following and to project an image of unyielding power that intimidates rivals and assures supporters.

The 'Rowdy' Populist Appeal

Adopting a "rowdy" or unconventional approach, frequently characterized by Gaali, is also a deliberate populist strategy. By eschewing formal language and embracing the vernacular of the streets, leaders aim to differentiate themselves from the perceived "elite" or "gentleman" politicians. This approach cultivates an image of authenticity and relatability, presenting the leader as "one of them" – someone who understands and speaks the language of the common people, unburdened by the niceties of high politics [(https://mcrg.in/populism-populist-politics-concept-note/)].

This populist appeal is particularly effective in mobilizing support from segments of the electorate who may feel marginalized or alienated by traditional political discourse. The "rowdy" leader is seen as unpretentious, direct, and willing to fight for the interests of their constituents without bureaucratic circumlocution. This rejection of political decorum can be interpreted as a sign of genuine commitment to the masses, fostering a sense of solidarity and trust. It taps into a popular sentiment that often views formal institutions and their representatives with suspicion, preferring a leader who embodies a more direct, confrontational style [http://www.mcrg.ac.in/PP138.pdf)].

Inflammatory and abusive language serves as an incredibly powerful rallying cry for party cadres and supporters. Its emotional impact is undeniable: it can generate excitement, foster a sense of collective anger against political opponents, and solidify a shared identity and purpose among followers. When a leader uses strong, often transgressive, language, it creates a visceral "us-versus-them" dynamic, intensifying loyalty and energizing the base.

Verbal Abuse as a Precursor to Violence

The connection between verbal abuse and the threat or actual exercise of violence is often subtle, yet profoundly significant. Verbal aggression can serve as a direct precursor to physical coercion, cultivating an atmosphere of fear and intimidation that can, and often does, escalate into actual violence. When a leader employs abusive language, especially direct threats, it signals a clear willingness to resort to more extreme measures if their demands are not met. This implicit threat of violence can be highly effective in compelling compliance from individuals and institutions.

In political contexts, particularly in regions with a history of political violence like West Bengal, such language can unfortunately normalize aggression and lower the threshold for physical confrontation. It desensitizes both perpetrators and potential victims to the severity of violent acts, making them appear as a natural, albeit regrettable, extension of intense political rivalry. The public display of verbal aggression by leaders can embolden party workers to engage in similar behavior, secure in the knowledge that their actions are implicitly sanctioned by the leadership. This creates a dangerous cycle where verbal abuse not only intimidates but also paves the way for the actual exercise of political violence, severely impacting the democratic fabric and the rule of law [The Wire, May 13, 2025 (https://m.thewire.in/article/rights/india-online-trolling-rightwing-doxxing-vikram-misri)].

The Broader Context: Weak Institutions and Media Amplification

Beyond these core strategic and cultural drivers, several other factors contribute to the pervasive nature of verbal abuse in Indian politics. A perceived lack of stringent and swift legal action against political leaders who engage in verbal abuse often emboldens them to continue such behavior [(https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/anubrata-mondal-skips-police-summons-citing-health-issues-but-visits-tmc-party-office-prnt/cid/2105480); When institutions, including the police and judiciary, are seen as susceptible to political pressure, the deterrent effect of laws against abusive language diminishes significantly.

Furthermore, the widespread dissemination of audio and video clips of leaders using abusive language, often amplified by social media and news channels, can normalize such behavior. Even if the intention may be to expose, it can also provide these leaders with a wider platform, contributing to the perception that this is an acceptable, albeit controversial, part of political discourse (https://m.thewire.in/article/rights/india-online-trolling-rightwing-doxxing-vikram-misri)]. West Bengal, in particular, with its long history of intense political rivalry and street politics, has a deeply ingrained culture of confrontation. This historical context often fosters an environment where aggressive language is not only tolerated but sometimes even expected as a sign of political strength. Lastly, in regions marked by significant socio-economic disparities and intense competition for resources, political power often translates directly into patronage and control. Leaders who project an image of unyielding power, even through abusive language, might be seen as more effective in securing benefits for their constituents.

A Call for Reflection

The phenomenon of political leaders employing verbal abuse, as starkly exemplified by cases like Anubrata Mondal, is a complex and multifaceted issue. It is rooted in a confluence of political strategy, deeply ingrained cultural norms, and raw power dynamics. It is far from a mere lapse in decorum; it is a deliberate, and often effective, tool for exercising control, performing a specific type of masculinity, adopting a populist "rowdy" persona, mobilizing followers, and implicitly or explicitly threatening violence. The indigenous concept of 'Gali' provides a crucial cultural lens through which to understand the deeper resonance and performative power of such language in the Indian context.

While democratic discourse ideally thrives on reasoned debate and mutual respect, the reality on the ground in India often deviates significantly. The normalization of verbal aggression by political leaders poses a serious challenge to the health of democratic institutions, eroding public trust in the rule of law and fostering an environment where intimidation can supersede dialogue. Addressing this critical issue requires not only robust legal and institutional reforms but also a deeper societal reflection on the values that truly underpin political leadership and public discourse in India.

The author is an anthropologist.

Neta maa e baap- reflections on school teacher's recruitment scam in West Bengal

pic credit- https://images.app.goo.gl/MLP7fNRLgmJSEUmc6

The recent development in the School teachers' recruitment scam shows two things, first, the institution in charge couldn't differentiate between the legally appointed teachers and the illegal appointees, and second, those who have been serving at different schools since 2016 have to reappear and crack the examination once again to get the job. The figure is an impressive 25752 (https://thewire.in/rights/tmc-ssc-scam-bengal-mamata-banerjee-teachers), which clearly reflects that the number of directly affected persons is near about 100,000, which is roughly about 0.11% of the state's total population. Even if we think of the sentiment of people attached to the teachers, it is not a significant percentage to get an immediate effect on TMC's popular support base, unless the opposition works actively on it and taps it with other issues. Who knows this calculation the most? Of course the ruling TMC.

Existing corruption indices (CPI, BPI, GCB, WGI) by Transparency International offer a limited understanding due to their Westernized, quantitative nature. They fail to capture the situated, physical, and social realities of corruption. Defining corruption requires contextual specificity, as widely used phrases like "public power" and its "abuses" vary. Dreze and Sen (1996) describe third-world corruption as a combination of four factors, a) rent-seeking leaders, b) poor performance of public offices, c) distrust between state and society, and d) a development of public sector corruption culture. (https://global.oup.com/academic/product/india-economic-development-and-social-opportunity-9780198290124?cc=in&lang=en&#:~:text=This%20book%20argues%20that%20an,fields%2C%20Even%20the%20fostering%20of). 

The outrage of teachers and police brutality against them (https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/kolkata/west-bengal-school-teachers-protesting-job-loss-lathi-charge-kolkata-police-9934566/) brings out public memories of atrocities under the erstwhile Left rule when violence at Singur, Nandigram and Junglemahal took place. While it is painful to see educated youth losing their jobs for no fault of their own, it is also the time to look at corruption in West Bengal at the broad spectrum. My longitudinal ethnographic research on TMC regime shows two intriguing and everyday issues of corruption as a prime mover of the state's informal (black?) political economy.

First, there is a development of service delivery transaction cost during TMC regime. It started with a shift from the Left Front's party-centric system to a leader-driven model. This strategy prioritises rapid service delivery, often facilitated by local strongmen, bypassing traditional bureaucratic channels. While this concentrates power, it accelerates service provisions. Despite frequent corrupt practices, the speed and assurance of delivery have garnered a public approval. This shift has effectively dismantled the LF's "party society," replacing it with a system reliant on individual leaders and their networks for efficient, albeit potentially corrupt, service access.

Second, consequently, there is an acceptance and normalisation of corruption as a necessary evil. Paying bribes (INR 10,000-15,000 for housing schemes, a percentage of MGNREGS wages for more work or the like) was generally accepted by people since as early as 2013-2014. This normalisation means people view corruption as part of their everyday interface with public service delivery institutions, hindering the opposition's ability to effectively use it as a campaign issue (https://www.epw.in/journal/2017/21/commentary/everyday-politics-and-corruption-west-bengal.html).

Alongside the rise of local level leader-centric public transaction, shifting itself from erstwhile party organisation resulted in a symbolic transfer of "Sarkar mai baap" (government as God) to "Neta mai baap" (leader as God). Such reflection is found everywhere, as one can see West Bengal is now full of posters and banners of local leaders. Their followers even print large billboards to wish their leaders "happy birthday." This portrayal of larger than life status of local leaders resonates well with Donmanship(https://www.dukeupress.edu/the-rule-of-dons) and Mafia Raj (https://www.sup.org/books/asian-studies/mafia-raj). 

One has to situate two things here, first, at the bribe givers' end, we have a public sphere living with the larger than life leaders, and disciplining of corruption. Giving bribes to get something done is already normalised. TMC have successfully normalised petty and everyday corruptions like small bribes to police or local administration, to large scams, all of them are channelled through a retail system. Be it Sarada scam or the recruitment scam, TMC did it using their massive leader-driven clientelist machinery where in the process they could ensure the continuation of political patronage. Givers, takers and the implementing machinery, once entangled with the chain of command, are bound to ensure that the regime continues. Even if it is for a relatively small duration for the bribe givers, this system of corrupt exchange is long-term for those who are repeated participants. 

It is in this context, that one needs to look at the normalisation and acceptance of retail forms of corruption in West Bengal. Firstly, corruption represents an informal market and follows market principles where everyone is attempting to maximise their individual interests, secondly, it opens up an avenue for livelihood opportunities for those who can pay or who can manage the cycle. This crosscuts every form of primordial identity boundaries.  

West Bengal's political landscape reflects a shift to "Neta mai baap," with local leaders wielding immense power. Corruption, from petty bribes to large scams, is normalized, operating as an informal market. This system, fueled by clientelism, ensures regime continuity, creating a cycle of dependence and opportunity that transcends traditional social divisions. Whether the teachers' recruitment scam generates enough public outrage to alter political equation would depend on the opposition's use of this opportunity. While the Left has taken up the streets and is working relentlessly at the courtrooms for justice, BJP doesn't have much of a strong foundation as the present leader of opposition, Mr Adhikari has been associated with the TMC during this scam. 

The Digital Canvas: Social Media Influence on Santali House Decoration and Wall Painting

Introduction

This essay explores the transformative impact of social media on the traditional Santali practice of house decoration and wall painting, employing visual anthropology as a methodological lens. Traditionally, Santali art forms have been deeply rooted in nature, with motifs reflecting the flora and fauna of their surroundings. However, the advent of social media has introduced a new visual lexicon, with emoticons and emojis increasingly replacing traditional nature-inspired motifs. This essay examines this shift, analyzing the socio-cultural factors driving this change and its implications for the preservation and evolution of Santali artistic traditions.

The Santal, one of India's largest tribal groups, possess a rich cultural heritage expressed through various art forms, including house decoration and wall painting. These practices, traditionally passed down through generations, serve not only as aesthetic expressions but also as symbolic representations of their worldview, beliefs, and connection to nature. However, the advent of social media has introduced new forms of visual communication, impacting traditional art forms and raising questions about cultural preservation and adaptation. This essay delves into this dynamic, examining how social media has influenced Santali house decoration and wall painting, with a particular focus on the replacement of nature-inspired motifs with social media emoticons and emojis.

Visual Anthropology: A Methodological Framework:

Visual anthropology, as a research methodology, provides a powerful tool for understanding the intersection of culture and visual representation. It involves the study of visual materials, such as photographs, films, and art objects, to gain insights into cultural practices, beliefs, and social structures. In this context, visual anthropology allows us to analyze Santali house decorations and wall paintings as visual texts that communicate cultural meanings and reflect social change. By examining the visual elements, motifs, and symbols used in these art forms, we can decipher the cultural narratives embedded within them and understand how they are being transformed by the influence of social media.

Traditional Santali House Decoration and Wall Painting:

Traditionally, Santali house decoration and wall painting have been integral to their cultural identity. The walls of their homes serve as canvases for artistic expression, with women, in particular, playing a central role in creating these visual narratives. The motifs used in these paintings are deeply rooted in nature, reflecting the Santali's close relationship with their environment. Flowers, leaves, trees, animals, and birds are common themes, symbolizing fertility, abundance, and the interconnectedness of all living beings. These motifs are not merely decorative; they carry symbolic meanings and often narrate stories from Santali folklore, mythology, and daily life.

Traditional motiefs in Santali village (photograph taken by Author in February 2025)

The colors used in traditional Santali wall paintings are also significant. Natural pigments, derived from plants, minerals, and earth, are used to create vibrant hues that reflect the Santali's connection to their natural surroundings. The process of creating these paintings is often a communal activity, with women gathering to share knowledge, skills, and stories. This collective engagement reinforces social bonds and strengthens cultural identity.

The Influence of Social Media:

The advent of social media has introduced new forms of visual communication, transforming the way people interact and express themselves. Emoticons and emojis, originally designed to convey emotions in digital communication, have now permeated various aspects of popular culture, including art and design. For the Santali, social media has opened up new avenues for communication and access to information. However, it has also led to the introduction of new visual elements into their traditional art forms.

Santali kids are growing up with smartphones in their villages. With increasing network connectivity, villagers are having smartphones and are exposed to social media.

 

The Shift in Motifs: From Nature to Emojis:

The replacement of nature-inspired motifs with social media emoticons and emojis in Santali wall paintings reflects a significant shift in cultural values and visual communication. Traditionally, Santali art served as a medium for expressing their connection to nature, their beliefs, and their cultural identity. The motifs used in their paintings were deeply symbolic, carrying rich cultural meanings and reflecting their worldview. However, the increasing influence of social media has led to the adoption of new visual symbols that are not rooted in their traditional culture.

Emoticons and emojis, while visually appealing and easily recognizable, lack the depth and cultural significance of traditional Santali motifs. They are often generic and lack the specific cultural context that made traditional Santali art so meaningful. The shift from nature-inspired motifs to emoticons and emojis reflects a broader trend of cultural homogenization, where globalized visual symbols are replacing local and culturally specific forms of expression.

A cartoon character taking a place in the walls of a Santal village (photo taken by the author in February 2025)

Use of trending social media cartoon imoji "Chin Tapak Dum Dum" in a Santali village wall (photo taken by the author in February 2025)

Socio-Cultural Factors Driving the Change:

Several socio-cultural factors contribute to the increasing popularity of emoticons and emojis in Santali wall paintings. Firstly, the younger generation of Santali, who have grown up with social media, are more familiar with these digital symbols than with traditional motifs. They find emoticons and emojis to be a more accessible and relatable form of visual communication. Secondly, social media has exposed the Santali to a wider range of visual styles and trends, including the use of emoticons and emojis in popular culture. This exposure has led to the adoption of these symbols in their own artistic expressions.

A Santali house wall with imojis as wall painting in Galudihi (photo taken by Pratyush Roy, a student of the author)

Thirdly, the use of emoticons and emojis can be seen as a way for the Santali to express their modernity and connect with the globalized world. By incorporating these digital symbols into their traditional art forms, they are signaling their participation in contemporary visual culture. Finally, the ease with which emoticons and emojis can be created and reproduced may also contribute to their popularity. Unlike traditional motifs, which require skill and knowledge to create, emoticons and emojis can be easily replicated, making them a convenient and accessible form of visual expression.

Implications for Santali Artistic Traditions:

The increasing use of emoticons and emojis in Santali wall paintings raises concerns about the preservation and evolution of their artistic traditions. While it is important for cultures to adapt and evolve, there is a risk that the adoption of globalized visual symbols may lead to the erosion of local and culturally specific forms of expression. The replacement of nature-inspired motifs with emoticons and emojis may result in the loss of valuable cultural knowledge and symbolic meanings embedded in traditional Santali art.

However, it is also important to recognize that cultures are dynamic and constantly evolving. The Santali have always adapted and incorporated new influences into their art forms. The use of emoticons and emojis can be seen as a continuation of this process, albeit in a new and digital context. It is possible that these new visual symbols may eventually become integrated into Santali artistic traditions, adding new layers of meaning and expression.

Conclusion:

The influence of social media on Santali house decoration and wall painting is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. The increasing use of emoticons and emojis in these traditional art forms reflects a shift in cultural values, visual communication, and the relationship between the Santali and the globalized world. While there are concerns about the preservation of traditional motifs and cultural meanings, it is also important to recognize the dynamic nature of culture and the potential for new forms of artistic expression to emerge.

Visual anthropology provides a valuable framework for understanding these changes, allowing us to analyze Santali house decorations and wall paintings as visual texts that communicate cultural narratives and reflect social change. By examining the visual elements, motifs, and symbols used in these art forms, we can gain insights into the Santali's evolving relationship with their cultural heritage and the impact of social media on their artistic traditions.

Further research is needed to fully understand the long-term implications of social media on Santali art and culture. It is important to document and preserve traditional Santali motifs and cultural knowledge, while also recognizing the creativity and adaptability of the Santali people. By engaging in open dialogue and collaboration with Santali communities, we can ensure that their artistic traditions continue to thrive and evolve in a way that respects their cultural heritage and embraces new forms of expression.

1. Visual Communication & How it has Impacted Today's Society | IIAD

www.iiad.edu.in

2. The Evolution of Emojis: From Texting to App Design - Universal Stream Solution

www.universalstreamsolution.com