The Semiotics of Aggression: When 'Gali' Becomes a Political Weapon, the case of Anubrata

Suman Nath 

Mural painted by women in Zone 18, one of the most violent neighbourhoods in Guatemala City April 2018. Part of Safe Cities Programme Guatemala UN Women/Ryan Brown

On May 30, 2024, a four-minute audio clip surfaced, allegedly capturing Mondal using derogatory and abusive language, including threats of sexual violence, against Bolpur’s Inspector-in-Charge (IC), Subrata Halder, and his family. (https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/anubrata-mondal-skips-police-summons-citing-health-issues-but-visits-tmc-party-office-prnt/cid/2105480). This is not an isolated event, nor it is a matter of poor etiquette or a momentary lapse of judgment; it's a calculated strategy, deeply embedded in the political culture, particularly at the regional level. The pervasive use of verbal abuse by political leaders, even against state functionaries like the police, is a symptom of deeper political, social, and cultural dynamics that demand critical examination.

'Gaali': The Unfiltered Language of Power

To truly grasp the phenomenon, one must understand 'Gali' (गाली) – abusive language, expletives, or profanities in the Indian context.  https://www.suppresspress.com/book/language-and-symbolic-power]. Anthropologist Lawrence Cohen describes gaali as a performative act embedded in cultural power dynamics, particularly in masculine and political spheres [Cohen, 1995, Holi in Banaras] [https://doi.org/10.1215/10642684-2-4-399]. Gaali, deeply intertwined with power dynamics, operates as a form of symbolic violence that maintains existing structures through humiliation and fear [https://www.suppresspress.com/book/language-and-symbolic-power]. Its often masculine nature and role in projecting patriarchal authority are illuminated by R.W. Connell's theory of hegemonic masculinity [https://www.politybooks.com/bookdetail/?isbn=9780745634265]. Beyond individual interactions, gaali functions within broader political systems; Kanchan Chandra's patronage democracy highlights its integration into clientelist networks [https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/why-ethnic-parties-succeed/9780521814525]. The impact of gaali is significantly amplified through communication channels, a concept underscored by Marshall McLuhan's media theory [https://mitpress.edu/9780262631594/]. Furthermore, gaali serves as a tool for collective action and political maneuvering; Charles Tilly's social movement theory frames it as a mobilization tactic [https://www.routledge.com/Social-Movements-1768-2004/Tilly/p/book/9781594510434], while George Tsebelis's game theory interprets it as a strategic signal within competitive political landscapes [https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520066779/nested-games]. These frameworks contextualize Mondal’s actions within West Bengal’s socio-political culture and India’s broader dynamics.

Clearly 'Gaali' is far more than just an insult; it's a potent social and cultural tool. While it can be playful among peers, in the political arena, it transforms into a powerful instrument for expressing anger, frustration, or, most critically, asserting dominance [Kaviraj, Sudipta. "Filth and the Public Sphere: Concepts and Practices about Space in Calcutta" (https://shekhar.cc/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/kaviraj.pdf)]. In certain social circles, the ability to deliver a 'Gaali' effectively can even be seen as a sign of strength, authenticity, or a defiant rejection of perceived elitism.

When a political figure deploys 'Gaali', it's a deliberate transgression of formal norms. It signals a willingness to operate outside conventional boundaries, connecting with a raw, unfiltered public sentiment. This makes it a powerful, albeit transgressive, tool in the political lexicon, capable of eliciting strong emotional responses and shaping perceptions of power and authority [The Wire, May 13, 2025 (https://m.thewire.in/article/rights/india-online-trolling-rightwing-doxxing-vikram-misri); It’s the language of the street brought into the hallowed halls of power, designed to resonate with a specific, often marginalized, segment of the population along with the followers, who are often tasked with exercising dominance through violence.

The Iron Fist of Political Control

One of the most immediate and impactful reasons for political leaders to resort to verbal abuse is to overtly exercise and demonstrate political contro through violencel. By publicly intimidating opponents, critics, and even administrative officials like the police, these leaders send an unmistakable signal of their unchallenged authority and their readiness to transgress established norms [The Telegraph India, June 1, 2025 (https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/anubrata-mondal-skips-police-summons-citing-health-issues-but-visits-tmc-party-office-prnt/cid/2105480)]. This aggressive posturing creates an environment where dissent is stifled, and compliance is implicitly or explicitly enforced. When a political figure abuses a police officer without immediate, severe repercussions, it broadcasts a clear message about the power hierarchy. There are triple underlying obligatory meanings attached, to become someone of supreme authority in both tradition and legal-institutitional forms, to be able to operate with impunity that undermining the authority of state institutions, and to be able to normalise violence [The Telegraph India, June 1, 2025 (https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/anubrata-mondal-skips-police-summons-citing-health-issues-but-visits-tmc-party-office-prnt/cid/2105480); Times of India, June 1, 2025 (https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/anubrata-cites-ill-health-to-skip-cop-call-police-issue-2nd-summons/articleshow/121542120.cms)]. Such Gaali by political bosses isn't merely an outburst of anger; it's a calculated performance designed to establish dominance and reinforce the leader's position at the apex of the local power structure. It showcases a capacity to bend or break rules, thereby asserting a form of extra-legal authority that proves highly effective in maintaining control over both party cadres and the local administration [(https://ijirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/POLITICAL-VIOLENCE-IN-WEST-BENGAL-A-COMPARATIVE-ANALYSIS-OF-DIFFERENT-STATES-OF-INDIA.pdf)].

Masculinity: The 'Strongman' Persona

Gaali when seen in broader context projects hegemonic masculinity in West Bengal. Mondal’s 2024 audio, with slurs against Halder’s wife and mother, crafted a “mafia don” persona resonating with rural supporters who equate aggression with strength. This aligns with Connell’s theory, where toughness reinforces patriarchal authority [https://www.politybooks.com/bookdetail?book_slug=masculinities-2nd-edition--9780745634265 ]. Mondal’s role in projects like Deocha-Pachami coal mine bolstered his rugged image. His 2018 threats against police also reflect this masculinity. Filippo Osella’s work supports this, noting gali’s role in gendered hierarchies [Osella, 2004, Men and Masculinities in South India].

However, Mr. Mondal is not alone, the aggressive, often vulgar, language employed by several Indian political leaders incluidng the top ranking ones is deeply intertwined with a specific performance of masculinity. Across many parts of India, particularly in local politics, the "strongman" archetype holds significant sway [Taylor & Francis Online https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14608944.2024.2421009?af=R]. The strongman leaders are then seen as fearless, decisive, and unafraid to use unconventional or even aggressive methods to achieve their objectives. In this context, verbal abuse becomes a performative act of hyper-masculinity, signalling virility, toughness, and an unwavering resolve. It aligns with traditional notions of power where overt displays of dominance and a willingness to confront are highly valued [https://doras.dcu.ie/29387/]. This "macho" image resonates powerfully with a populace that often equates strength with effective leadership, especially in contexts where political power is seen as the key to navigating complex social realities and securing vital resources. The leader who employs 'Gaali' and aggressive rhetoric might be perceived as someone who "gets things done," who is not afraid to challenge authority (even if it's the state's own authority), and who embodies a raw, unrefined power that is seen as more authentic than the polished discourse of elite politicians [Taylor & Francis Online (https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14608944.2024.2421009?af=R)]. This performance of masculinity is a deliberate strategy to cultivate a loyal following and to project an image of unyielding power that intimidates rivals and assures supporters.

The 'Rowdy' Populist Appeal

Adopting a "rowdy" or unconventional approach, frequently characterized by Gaali, is also a deliberate populist strategy. By eschewing formal language and embracing the vernacular of the streets, leaders aim to differentiate themselves from the perceived "elite" or "gentleman" politicians. This approach cultivates an image of authenticity and relatability, presenting the leader as "one of them" – someone who understands and speaks the language of the common people, unburdened by the niceties of high politics [(https://mcrg.in/populism-populist-politics-concept-note/)].

This populist appeal is particularly effective in mobilizing support from segments of the electorate who may feel marginalized or alienated by traditional political discourse. The "rowdy" leader is seen as unpretentious, direct, and willing to fight for the interests of their constituents without bureaucratic circumlocution. This rejection of political decorum can be interpreted as a sign of genuine commitment to the masses, fostering a sense of solidarity and trust. It taps into a popular sentiment that often views formal institutions and their representatives with suspicion, preferring a leader who embodies a more direct, confrontational style [http://www.mcrg.ac.in/PP138.pdf)].

Inflammatory and abusive language serves as an incredibly powerful rallying cry for party cadres and supporters. Its emotional impact is undeniable: it can generate excitement, foster a sense of collective anger against political opponents, and solidify a shared identity and purpose among followers. When a leader uses strong, often transgressive, language, it creates a visceral "us-versus-them" dynamic, intensifying loyalty and energizing the base.

Verbal Abuse as a Precursor to Violence

The connection between verbal abuse and the threat or actual exercise of violence is often subtle, yet profoundly significant. Verbal aggression can serve as a direct precursor to physical coercion, cultivating an atmosphere of fear and intimidation that can, and often does, escalate into actual violence. When a leader employs abusive language, especially direct threats, it signals a clear willingness to resort to more extreme measures if their demands are not met. This implicit threat of violence can be highly effective in compelling compliance from individuals and institutions.

In political contexts, particularly in regions with a history of political violence like West Bengal, such language can unfortunately normalize aggression and lower the threshold for physical confrontation. It desensitizes both perpetrators and potential victims to the severity of violent acts, making them appear as a natural, albeit regrettable, extension of intense political rivalry. The public display of verbal aggression by leaders can embolden party workers to engage in similar behavior, secure in the knowledge that their actions are implicitly sanctioned by the leadership. This creates a dangerous cycle where verbal abuse not only intimidates but also paves the way for the actual exercise of political violence, severely impacting the democratic fabric and the rule of law [The Wire, May 13, 2025 (https://m.thewire.in/article/rights/india-online-trolling-rightwing-doxxing-vikram-misri)].

The Broader Context: Weak Institutions and Media Amplification

Beyond these core strategic and cultural drivers, several other factors contribute to the pervasive nature of verbal abuse in Indian politics. A perceived lack of stringent and swift legal action against political leaders who engage in verbal abuse often emboldens them to continue such behavior [(https://www.telegraphindia.com/west-bengal/anubrata-mondal-skips-police-summons-citing-health-issues-but-visits-tmc-party-office-prnt/cid/2105480); When institutions, including the police and judiciary, are seen as susceptible to political pressure, the deterrent effect of laws against abusive language diminishes significantly.

Furthermore, the widespread dissemination of audio and video clips of leaders using abusive language, often amplified by social media and news channels, can normalize such behavior. Even if the intention may be to expose, it can also provide these leaders with a wider platform, contributing to the perception that this is an acceptable, albeit controversial, part of political discourse (https://m.thewire.in/article/rights/india-online-trolling-rightwing-doxxing-vikram-misri)]. West Bengal, in particular, with its long history of intense political rivalry and street politics, has a deeply ingrained culture of confrontation. This historical context often fosters an environment where aggressive language is not only tolerated but sometimes even expected as a sign of political strength. Lastly, in regions marked by significant socio-economic disparities and intense competition for resources, political power often translates directly into patronage and control. Leaders who project an image of unyielding power, even through abusive language, might be seen as more effective in securing benefits for their constituents.

A Call for Reflection

The phenomenon of political leaders employing verbal abuse, as starkly exemplified by cases like Anubrata Mondal, is a complex and multifaceted issue. It is rooted in a confluence of political strategy, deeply ingrained cultural norms, and raw power dynamics. It is far from a mere lapse in decorum; it is a deliberate, and often effective, tool for exercising control, performing a specific type of masculinity, adopting a populist "rowdy" persona, mobilizing followers, and implicitly or explicitly threatening violence. The indigenous concept of 'Gali' provides a crucial cultural lens through which to understand the deeper resonance and performative power of such language in the Indian context.

While democratic discourse ideally thrives on reasoned debate and mutual respect, the reality on the ground in India often deviates significantly. The normalization of verbal aggression by political leaders poses a serious challenge to the health of democratic institutions, eroding public trust in the rule of law and fostering an environment where intimidation can supersede dialogue. Addressing this critical issue requires not only robust legal and institutional reforms but also a deeper societal reflection on the values that truly underpin political leadership and public discourse in India.

The author is an anthropologist.

Neta maa e baap- reflections on school teacher's recruitment scam in West Bengal

pic credit- https://images.app.goo.gl/MLP7fNRLgmJSEUmc6

The recent development in the School teachers' recruitment scam shows two things, first, the institution in charge couldn't differentiate between the legally appointed teachers and the illegal appointees, and second, those who have been serving at different schools since 2016 have to reappear and crack the examination once again to get the job. The figure is an impressive 25752 (https://thewire.in/rights/tmc-ssc-scam-bengal-mamata-banerjee-teachers), which clearly reflects that the number of directly affected persons is near about 100,000, which is roughly about 0.11% of the state's total population. Even if we think of the sentiment of people attached to the teachers, it is not a significant percentage to get an immediate effect on TMC's popular support base, unless the opposition works actively on it and taps it with other issues. Who knows this calculation the most? Of course the ruling TMC.

Existing corruption indices (CPI, BPI, GCB, WGI) by Transparency International offer a limited understanding due to their Westernized, quantitative nature. They fail to capture the situated, physical, and social realities of corruption. Defining corruption requires contextual specificity, as widely used phrases like "public power" and its "abuses" vary. Dreze and Sen (1996) describe third-world corruption as a combination of four factors, a) rent-seeking leaders, b) poor performance of public offices, c) distrust between state and society, and d) a development of public sector corruption culture. (https://global.oup.com/academic/product/india-economic-development-and-social-opportunity-9780198290124?cc=in&lang=en&#:~:text=This%20book%20argues%20that%20an,fields%2C%20Even%20the%20fostering%20of). 

The outrage of teachers and police brutality against them (https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/kolkata/west-bengal-school-teachers-protesting-job-loss-lathi-charge-kolkata-police-9934566/) brings out public memories of atrocities under the erstwhile Left rule when violence at Singur, Nandigram and Junglemahal took place. While it is painful to see educated youth losing their jobs for no fault of their own, it is also the time to look at corruption in West Bengal at the broad spectrum. My longitudinal ethnographic research on TMC regime shows two intriguing and everyday issues of corruption as a prime mover of the state's informal (black?) political economy.

First, there is a development of service delivery transaction cost during TMC regime. It started with a shift from the Left Front's party-centric system to a leader-driven model. This strategy prioritises rapid service delivery, often facilitated by local strongmen, bypassing traditional bureaucratic channels. While this concentrates power, it accelerates service provisions. Despite frequent corrupt practices, the speed and assurance of delivery have garnered a public approval. This shift has effectively dismantled the LF's "party society," replacing it with a system reliant on individual leaders and their networks for efficient, albeit potentially corrupt, service access.

Second, consequently, there is an acceptance and normalisation of corruption as a necessary evil. Paying bribes (INR 10,000-15,000 for housing schemes, a percentage of MGNREGS wages for more work or the like) was generally accepted by people since as early as 2013-2014. This normalisation means people view corruption as part of their everyday interface with public service delivery institutions, hindering the opposition's ability to effectively use it as a campaign issue (https://www.epw.in/journal/2017/21/commentary/everyday-politics-and-corruption-west-bengal.html).

Alongside the rise of local level leader-centric public transaction, shifting itself from erstwhile party organisation resulted in a symbolic transfer of "Sarkar mai baap" (government as God) to "Neta mai baap" (leader as God). Such reflection is found everywhere, as one can see West Bengal is now full of posters and banners of local leaders. Their followers even print large billboards to wish their leaders "happy birthday." This portrayal of larger than life status of local leaders resonates well with Donmanship(https://www.dukeupress.edu/the-rule-of-dons) and Mafia Raj (https://www.sup.org/books/asian-studies/mafia-raj). 

One has to situate two things here, first, at the bribe givers' end, we have a public sphere living with the larger than life leaders, and disciplining of corruption. Giving bribes to get something done is already normalised. TMC have successfully normalised petty and everyday corruptions like small bribes to police or local administration, to large scams, all of them are channelled through a retail system. Be it Sarada scam or the recruitment scam, TMC did it using their massive leader-driven clientelist machinery where in the process they could ensure the continuation of political patronage. Givers, takers and the implementing machinery, once entangled with the chain of command, are bound to ensure that the regime continues. Even if it is for a relatively small duration for the bribe givers, this system of corrupt exchange is long-term for those who are repeated participants. 

It is in this context, that one needs to look at the normalisation and acceptance of retail forms of corruption in West Bengal. Firstly, corruption represents an informal market and follows market principles where everyone is attempting to maximise their individual interests, secondly, it opens up an avenue for livelihood opportunities for those who can pay or who can manage the cycle. This crosscuts every form of primordial identity boundaries.  

West Bengal's political landscape reflects a shift to "Neta mai baap," with local leaders wielding immense power. Corruption, from petty bribes to large scams, is normalized, operating as an informal market. This system, fueled by clientelism, ensures regime continuity, creating a cycle of dependence and opportunity that transcends traditional social divisions. Whether the teachers' recruitment scam generates enough public outrage to alter political equation would depend on the opposition's use of this opportunity. While the Left has taken up the streets and is working relentlessly at the courtrooms for justice, BJP doesn't have much of a strong foundation as the present leader of opposition, Mr Adhikari has been associated with the TMC during this scam. 

The Digital Canvas: Social Media Influence on Santali House Decoration and Wall Painting

Introduction

This essay explores the transformative impact of social media on the traditional Santali practice of house decoration and wall painting, employing visual anthropology as a methodological lens. Traditionally, Santali art forms have been deeply rooted in nature, with motifs reflecting the flora and fauna of their surroundings. However, the advent of social media has introduced a new visual lexicon, with emoticons and emojis increasingly replacing traditional nature-inspired motifs. This essay examines this shift, analyzing the socio-cultural factors driving this change and its implications for the preservation and evolution of Santali artistic traditions.

The Santal, one of India's largest tribal groups, possess a rich cultural heritage expressed through various art forms, including house decoration and wall painting. These practices, traditionally passed down through generations, serve not only as aesthetic expressions but also as symbolic representations of their worldview, beliefs, and connection to nature. However, the advent of social media has introduced new forms of visual communication, impacting traditional art forms and raising questions about cultural preservation and adaptation. This essay delves into this dynamic, examining how social media has influenced Santali house decoration and wall painting, with a particular focus on the replacement of nature-inspired motifs with social media emoticons and emojis.

Visual Anthropology: A Methodological Framework:

Visual anthropology, as a research methodology, provides a powerful tool for understanding the intersection of culture and visual representation. It involves the study of visual materials, such as photographs, films, and art objects, to gain insights into cultural practices, beliefs, and social structures. In this context, visual anthropology allows us to analyze Santali house decorations and wall paintings as visual texts that communicate cultural meanings and reflect social change. By examining the visual elements, motifs, and symbols used in these art forms, we can decipher the cultural narratives embedded within them and understand how they are being transformed by the influence of social media.

Traditional Santali House Decoration and Wall Painting:

Traditionally, Santali house decoration and wall painting have been integral to their cultural identity. The walls of their homes serve as canvases for artistic expression, with women, in particular, playing a central role in creating these visual narratives. The motifs used in these paintings are deeply rooted in nature, reflecting the Santali's close relationship with their environment. Flowers, leaves, trees, animals, and birds are common themes, symbolizing fertility, abundance, and the interconnectedness of all living beings. These motifs are not merely decorative; they carry symbolic meanings and often narrate stories from Santali folklore, mythology, and daily life.

Traditional motiefs in Santali village (photograph taken by Author in February 2025)

The colors used in traditional Santali wall paintings are also significant. Natural pigments, derived from plants, minerals, and earth, are used to create vibrant hues that reflect the Santali's connection to their natural surroundings. The process of creating these paintings is often a communal activity, with women gathering to share knowledge, skills, and stories. This collective engagement reinforces social bonds and strengthens cultural identity.

The Influence of Social Media:

The advent of social media has introduced new forms of visual communication, transforming the way people interact and express themselves. Emoticons and emojis, originally designed to convey emotions in digital communication, have now permeated various aspects of popular culture, including art and design. For the Santali, social media has opened up new avenues for communication and access to information. However, it has also led to the introduction of new visual elements into their traditional art forms.

Santali kids are growing up with smartphones in their villages. With increasing network connectivity, villagers are having smartphones and are exposed to social media.

 

The Shift in Motifs: From Nature to Emojis:

The replacement of nature-inspired motifs with social media emoticons and emojis in Santali wall paintings reflects a significant shift in cultural values and visual communication. Traditionally, Santali art served as a medium for expressing their connection to nature, their beliefs, and their cultural identity. The motifs used in their paintings were deeply symbolic, carrying rich cultural meanings and reflecting their worldview. However, the increasing influence of social media has led to the adoption of new visual symbols that are not rooted in their traditional culture.

Emoticons and emojis, while visually appealing and easily recognizable, lack the depth and cultural significance of traditional Santali motifs. They are often generic and lack the specific cultural context that made traditional Santali art so meaningful. The shift from nature-inspired motifs to emoticons and emojis reflects a broader trend of cultural homogenization, where globalized visual symbols are replacing local and culturally specific forms of expression.

A cartoon character taking a place in the walls of a Santal village (photo taken by the author in February 2025)

Use of trending social media cartoon imoji "Chin Tapak Dum Dum" in a Santali village wall (photo taken by the author in February 2025)

Socio-Cultural Factors Driving the Change:

Several socio-cultural factors contribute to the increasing popularity of emoticons and emojis in Santali wall paintings. Firstly, the younger generation of Santali, who have grown up with social media, are more familiar with these digital symbols than with traditional motifs. They find emoticons and emojis to be a more accessible and relatable form of visual communication. Secondly, social media has exposed the Santali to a wider range of visual styles and trends, including the use of emoticons and emojis in popular culture. This exposure has led to the adoption of these symbols in their own artistic expressions.

A Santali house wall with imojis as wall painting in Galudihi (photo taken by Pratyush Roy, a student of the author)

Thirdly, the use of emoticons and emojis can be seen as a way for the Santali to express their modernity and connect with the globalized world. By incorporating these digital symbols into their traditional art forms, they are signaling their participation in contemporary visual culture. Finally, the ease with which emoticons and emojis can be created and reproduced may also contribute to their popularity. Unlike traditional motifs, which require skill and knowledge to create, emoticons and emojis can be easily replicated, making them a convenient and accessible form of visual expression.

Implications for Santali Artistic Traditions:

The increasing use of emoticons and emojis in Santali wall paintings raises concerns about the preservation and evolution of their artistic traditions. While it is important for cultures to adapt and evolve, there is a risk that the adoption of globalized visual symbols may lead to the erosion of local and culturally specific forms of expression. The replacement of nature-inspired motifs with emoticons and emojis may result in the loss of valuable cultural knowledge and symbolic meanings embedded in traditional Santali art.

However, it is also important to recognize that cultures are dynamic and constantly evolving. The Santali have always adapted and incorporated new influences into their art forms. The use of emoticons and emojis can be seen as a continuation of this process, albeit in a new and digital context. It is possible that these new visual symbols may eventually become integrated into Santali artistic traditions, adding new layers of meaning and expression.

Conclusion:

The influence of social media on Santali house decoration and wall painting is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. The increasing use of emoticons and emojis in these traditional art forms reflects a shift in cultural values, visual communication, and the relationship between the Santali and the globalized world. While there are concerns about the preservation of traditional motifs and cultural meanings, it is also important to recognize the dynamic nature of culture and the potential for new forms of artistic expression to emerge.

Visual anthropology provides a valuable framework for understanding these changes, allowing us to analyze Santali house decorations and wall paintings as visual texts that communicate cultural narratives and reflect social change. By examining the visual elements, motifs, and symbols used in these art forms, we can gain insights into the Santali's evolving relationship with their cultural heritage and the impact of social media on their artistic traditions.

Further research is needed to fully understand the long-term implications of social media on Santali art and culture. It is important to document and preserve traditional Santali motifs and cultural knowledge, while also recognizing the creativity and adaptability of the Santali people. By engaging in open dialogue and collaboration with Santali communities, we can ensure that their artistic traditions continue to thrive and evolve in a way that respects their cultural heritage and embraces new forms of expression.

1. Visual Communication & How it has Impacted Today's Society | IIAD

www.iiad.edu.in

2. The Evolution of Emojis: From Texting to App Design - Universal Stream Solution

www.universalstreamsolution.com

Are we there yet? Bengal Doctors’ protest in the broad spectrum

Symbolic use of spine in the protest march (Source: https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/kolkata/doctors-gift-a-spine-to-kolkata-police-commissioner-demand-his-resignation/article68601747.ece)

The junior doctors’ protest which rocked West Bengal since August 09 2024, as a junior lady doctor's body was recovered from within the premises of R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital, one of the most famous medical colleges in the country, demands a broad spectrum analysis.  The incident of rape and murder sparked huge protests with a call to 'reclaim the night’ directive which addressed a spatio-temporal dimensions of vulnerabilities of women in the state, perhaps in the country. It was followed by a series of protests at different places in the state, including some of the villages. Eventually, it engulfed an entire spectrum of people ranging from singers to painters, IT sector employees to students, working women to housewives. The protest ran for months, with a hunger strike by junior doctors and it created a massive upheaval of common people's participation, innovative sloganeering, and songs by famous singers such as Arijit Sing and Shreya Ghoshal. People expected that this protest could end much of the malpractices designed and implemented by the ruling Trinamool Congress (henceforth TMC). One of the most significant anthropological features that came out of the protest is the coexistence of radical self-contradictions, such as, while the protest is political, the Joint Platform of Doctors consciously avoided any party affiliation. The protest is against the administration and existing political regime, but their carefully orchestrated slogans do not talk much of the administration or of the political clout that controls it. While the protest has called for and got people's participation at a large scale, it demanded people forego their political identities and affiliations before coming and participating in the rallies or at the protest sites. This conscious attempt of keeping the movement ‘apolitical’ was replicated at a microscopic level and people chose to participate in rallies which did not carry any party banner.

How to explain this paradox? What does it tell about the political spectrum of the state at large? As we will see, a careful political anthropological analysis would speak a lot about how politics has been constructed in TMC regime, and in what ways this has influenced and won over such an unprecedented protest.

 

TMC's creation of new politics of corruption and violence:

 

TMC came to power with a promise to end the party rule - famously theorised by Dwaipayan Bhattacharyya (2009) as the party society. The Left Front, led by the Communist Party of India Marxist (CPIM) created a detailed and sustained party architecture to rule the state for more than three decades. Party, over the years, with the help of a dedicated cadre base, and a section of educated white-collar professionals such the school teachers installed a system of social mediation which could supersede all other channels of public transactions like the caste and religion. Nath (2018) shows that this created a multilayered mechanism of public transactions. Hence, anyone willing to avail of certain public services had to go through the party, thereby, blurring the boundaries between the party and the government at large. TMC promised to change it. While Ms. Mamata Banerjee ensured that there was no post-election violence at large by asking her followers to play Rabindrasangeet (Tagor's song) as a mark of celebration of Left's defeat in 2011, the immediate fallout was area demarcation and capturing of party offices of the left by the TMC. This was followed by a massive exodus of people from the Left to TMC. Eventually, we have witnessed a breakdown of trade unions and government employees’ associations and pressure groups. Soon, the TMC-run government banned participating in strikes by government employees by making their attendance on such days mandatory.

This was a hint towards the future of the democratic functioning of the state as, during its first term, TMC successfully made prominent societal divisions along the line of occupation. A section of TMC supporters were 'encouraged' to heckle government employees ranging from doctors and professors to clerks and officers. This must be seen as the beginning of what was termed as the 'threat culture.'

While, TMC successfully dismantled the Left's party machinery, the leadership swiftly transferred to a handful of local influential leaders. In my several ethnographic works, I have interacted with these people and found several similarities among them:

a) Most of them have an erstwhile Indian National Congress background

b) They are generally well off in terms of economic status 

c) They have strong networking even during the Left era through local organisations such as the Clubs and Puja Committees

 

Instead of a party organisation, these new players successfully attracted local youths and formed several close-knit grid of 'networks' and 'syndicates.' They started to appropriate not only the public service delivery mechanisms such as the imposition of levy, popularly the ‘cut money’ on development works undertaken by the Panchayat and Municipalities, but also extort on the private players. Over the years, their accumulated wealth enabled some of them to become entrepreneurs. Their entrepreneurial endeavours are heavily dependent on the continuation of TMC rule so that they continue to get 'cut money' in different financial exchanges and 'sanctions' from the local administration. Their capital is crony but the nature of their capital is non-formal as suggested by Dwaipayan Bhattacharyya in his argument of franchisee politics in West Bengal.

 

What happened to the public sphere?

 

It is important to recall that during the 2011 election, a major call for political change was by the civil society representatives ranging from writers to film directors, and actors to painters. As West Bengal has a rich legacy of valuing cultural and academic attainments, TMC used this cultural capital to translate the sentiment into gaining a popular mandate. TMC included key civil society representatives in different government committees to make them what was popularly termed as "Trinamool Panthi Buddhijibi" or TMC-aligned civil society representatives. This seriously affected their public image and reduced their legitimacy and mass appeal. Common people either complied with the corrupt medium of public transactions by paying small amounts of bribes to the local leaders to get public services or become rather aloof. Such petty corruption was legitimised to a great extent and I have shown that the opposition couldn't capitalise on corruption charges brought against the TMC (Nath 2017).

Dutta and Ray (2018) show that for the delivery of public services, TMC started to depend more on the administrative wing of the Local Government. This seriously affected the spirit of local governance and decentralisation. Eventually, West Bengal experienced a disappearance of the active and politically engaged public sphere. Such an over-dependence on individual local leaders, and lack of concrete steps to build up organisations, instead, tapping existing cultural fronts such the clubs and puja committees, Masjid boards, TMC brought something theorised by Nath (2018, 2023) as cultural misrecognition. Here TMC used cultural fronts to legitimise their decisions and reinvent their legitimacy. At about the same time, Mr. Narendra Modi led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power at the centre and there was a proliferation of Hindutva sentiments followed by a series of low-intense riots in Bengal (Nath, 2022). The public sphere has undergone a serious transformation from being partisan to being partisan and sectarian. In places where riots took place, the Hindu/Muslim divide became extremely prominent.

This moment of transformation completes a full circle from party to identity, from party society to sectarian society, where grassroots organisations became identity-based. BJP became the main opposition party replacing the erstwhile Left and Congress, which essentially gave birth to sectarian organisations under a variety of names affiliated with Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.

West Bengal opened up new possibilities of political economy where TMC local leaders constructing franchisee politics, indulging in the black economy became the major players and their opposition force worked solely on identity dynamics with narratives like West Bengal is becoming East Pakistan.

 

Doctor's protest - a fresh air?

 

Within this sectarian, violence-infested political atmosphere R.G.Kar incident opened up Pandora's box. While the movement started against the rape and murder of the lady junior doctor, it soon tapped several unaddressed but burning issues like a) widespread corrupt networks operating both inside and outside of the medical educational institutions, b) corrupt people and their affiliation with ruling TMC, c) the extent of alleged malpractice and unconditional support extended allegedly by the party and administration, to name a few. This movement brought out a hidden grudge against the ruling regime. Thus, thousands of people participated in rallies, did social media campaigning and made their presence felt in different parts of the Capital city Kolkata also at different suburbs and also in villages. However, even the slightest intrusion of any political party in the movement was violently rejected by the protesters. The Joint platform of doctors ensured no party involvement in their movement to maintain its ‘apolitical’ character. However, technically, it remained a non-party, but essentially a political protest. It was clear that the intrusion of existing party forces would make it partisan and TMC would label it as a political conspiracy against their regime. The public sphere, which wholeheartedly supported them would turn away.

This apolitical nature of protest and the way by which it ended shows a peculiar nature of West Bengal public sphere. The protest ended with a rather credible escape route provided by the Chief Minister. This needs to be seen as a political win of Ms. Banerjee by creating a public sphere which is apathetic towards the existing parties, be it the ruling regime or the opposition. People are placed in between a party which indulges corruption and malpractices, installed a culture of violence and created a welfare dependent beneficiary survivor and a party which is sectarian and carries an ideology which is alien to Bengal culture. The large-scale support for the doctors’ protest also reflective of the fact that West Bengal is in a condition of liminality, where there are enough reasons and evidence that the existing system is not working like it should be, yet, the new system is yet to be born. Perhaps, the unprecedented support to the doctors’ movement shows that people are desperately looking for a fresh start in politics led by educated youths. The question remains, are we there yet? 

From Violence to Silence: The Curious Case of Bhatpara, West Bengal by Suman Nath

 

West Bengal has developed several communally charged hotspots since 2015. Aggressive Ram Navami rallies are the primary mechanisms for the Hindutva organisations to cultivate the Hindutva sentiments in these regions. Kankinara-Bhatpara region of North 24 parganas district is one of such places. While the conflict started as early as 2017 when the collective of Hindutva organisations under RSS brought out a Ram Navami rally. The communal ambiance was quickly handled because of prompt police action. In 2018 there was a large-scale riot between the Hindus and Muslims that resulted in death of several civilians and the sub-urban railway network was interrupted for weeks. The local Member of Assembly Mr. Arjun Singh's change of political affiliation from Trinamool Congress to Bharatiya Janta Party added further vibrance to the ethno-political landscape of the region. Hurling of bombs, sound of gunshot and regular conflicts kept Bengali newspapers busy reporting Bhatpara. Aamra ek sachetan Prayas forum, an organisation which studies conflict and peace in India, did a comprehensive study on the nature of conflicts and published a ground report (https://aamrabharatbarsha.com/welcome/singlepost/bhatpara-violence-fact-finding-report) which shows a mix of local politics and declining jute industries to be the prime mover of Bhatpara becoming a communal hotbed. Aamra has formed a peace centre among the riot victims in Bhatpara to bring about positive changes there, especially among the children. Because of several communal incidents, Bhatpara has been a focus of attention during the Ram temple inauguration on January 22, 2024. Contrary to what Bhatpara has experience since 2018, it was rather peaceful. It is important to understand the factors that brought back peace in an otherwise hotbed of communally charged landscape.

 
The setting:

 

Bhatpara is located on the eastern bank of river hooghly, it belongs to one of the places where jute industries were established during the British period which flourished enough to attract workers from different corners of the country (https://www.jstor.org/stable/20078659). They were then settled in the prosperous labour colonies and officers quarters (https://www.jstor.org/stable/141708). With the steady decline of Jute industry once prosperous colonies have become shanties (https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781315098975-9/mill-sirens-rang-danger-anna-sailer). A journey through the river touching places like Kankinara-Bhatpara, Telinipara, Naihati would show series of jute mills and related labour colonies. The labour colony settlers have been here for three to five generations. Although, they have settled down in West Bengal, forming shanty campuses, these places have never assimilated with dominant Bengali language and customs. They speak Hindi or Urdu and are able to cling to their traditional customs and rituals. Their interface with Bengali speaking people has been of peaceful and tolerant.

 

In my ethnographic research at post-riot Bhatpara, I have found out rather natural co-existence between Hindus and Muslims. While the labour colonies have become ghettoised, as the next generation settlers have constructed shanties beside the existing labour quarters, there is hardly any option to avoid everyday physical contact between Hindus and Muslims. The adjacent makeshift shanties inhabited by Hindus and Muslims have co-operated each others in their everyday life ranging from food sharing to handling a nagging kid. The community latrines and common bathing place have added to such interdependence. I found that a small open space in Tina-gudam area was being used by both Hindus and Muslims everyday. While there was a large cut-out of lord Ram, Muslims were preparing for the celebration of Eid at the same ground. Yet, 2018 onwards a deep division between the Hindus and Muslims characterised this place (https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/mono/10.4324/9781003273516-6/fundamentalists-meet-suman-nath). There were even reports of kids of different faiths sitting separately in local schools. In 2020, just opposite side of Hooghly, another riot broke in Telinipara-Chandannagar which made this region even more prominent locale for the cultivation of communal sentiments (https://aamrabharatbarsha.com/welcome/singlepost/%E0%A6%A4%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%B2%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%A8%E0%A6%BF%E0%A6%AA%E0%A6%BE%E0%A7%9C%E0%A6%BE-%E0%A6%A4%E0%A6%A5%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%AF%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%A8%E0%A7%81%E0%A6%B8%E0%A6%A8%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%A7%E0%A6%BE%E0%A6%A8-%E0%A6%AA%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%B0%E0%A6%A4%E0%A6%BF%E0%A6%AC%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%A6%E0%A6%A8-%E0%A7%A8%E0%A7%A6%E0%A7%A8%E0%A7%A6)

 

The political economy:

 

While in my book I wrote extensively on the political economic equation which existed in Bhatpara during Arjun Sing's switch over and the Mafia culture which predominated the area (https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/mono/10.4324/9781003273516/democracy-social-cleavage-india-suman-nath?refId=8d19e283-3cba-4c4c-a6e1-f1de36cc8840&context=ubx), the situation has changed over the years. For now, controlling the labours, making more contractual labourers than the permanent ones is aided with land related business which involves promoting and buying and selling of lands for profits. Mr Sing's political adventure with BJP in 2019 when he won the Barrackpore Parliamentary constituency as a BJP candidate was not viable in local political economic equations. First of all, his Muslim support base was gone, Hindutva sentiment could only earn him a popular mandate against ruling TMC, but, such popular support was already with him since 2001. He won for four times in Bhatpara Assembly Constituency, hence, aggressive Hindutva didnt earn him any extra milege; secondly, his political-economic machinery couldn't operate like it used to be. The local police administration gone out of his control. Even his house was attacked more than once and even being a Member of Parliament he couldn't save his home from party goons (https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/kolkata/bjp-mp-arjun-singhs-house-in-west-bengal-attacked-with-crude-bombs-7495935/).

 

As Arjun Singh rejoined TMC in May 2022 (https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/kolkata/arjun-singh-joins-trinamool-congress-7930470/) thereby restoring the local political-economic equations once again. Meanwhile, some of his followers who were allegedly directly involved in the riots and have allegedly worked actively in dismantling some of the Muslim predominated labour colonies were also not in a position to work freely until the local political equation was settled down. Since 2022, slowly the tension between the two communities have reduced to a significant extent, which is directly connected to the political stability.

 

The deafening silence of the aggressive Hindutva:

 

Does this mean that the Hindutva brigade have gone to the backfoot? There has been a continuation and further proliferation of RSS run fitness camps, mock sword fight and not to forget the grand Ram Navami celebrations (https://www.ijcv.org/index.php/ijcv/article/view/3119). RSS has been successful to set the template for the politics in Bhatpara and its adjacent regions.

 

One recent example is the creation of 108 ft long ram portrait by the TMC leader Priyangu Pandey and his wife Jyoti Pandey (https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/kolkata/politics-religious-beliefs-different-things-tmc-man-who-made-108-ft-ram-portrait-9124780/). While Priyangu was internally scapegoated for 2018 Kankinara riot as he was involved in managing the TMC organised Ram Navami rally where Muslims were supposed to serve sharbat portraying Hindu-Muslim unity, post May 2022 he has emerged as a promising TMC leader with an ability to cater the rising demands of Hindutva. Another local TMC leader Gopal Raut, who was also allegedly involved in the riots have made a come back with popularity among both the Hindus and Muslims. On January 22, Both Priyangu and Gopal have organised camps for mass distribution of blankets to the poor. People belonging to both Hindu and Muslm communities have queued together when Grand Hindutva was celebrated by the BJP with firecrackers and lamps. Bhatpara region has seen several houses placing earthen lamps on the one hand and such queues were conspicuous on the other.

VHP organised programmes which were both less loud and smaller in scale; there was no use of DJ boxes with provocative aggressive Hindutva songs, which they played in 2018 both in Bhatpara and Asansol. The local police were also on high alert, shops were closed after 11:00 pm and local administration ensured that no crowed is formed in the night during the entire month of January 2024.

The relatively peaceful Bhatpara, shows the economic triumph over religious identity sentiments for the time being. It also indicates a strategic shift in approach of the Hindutva organisations at places like Bhatpara which has seen enough communal disturbances for more than five years now.

 

Suman Nath teaches anthropology at Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam Government College and is the author of the book “Democracy and Social Cleavage in India Ethnography of Riots, Everyday Politics and Communalism in West Bengal c. 2012–2021”

 

Capitalising the Socialist appeal - consuming the pizza hut and rearing up a consumer

Kaleidoscope had a day off and since it was possible for a quick visit to eye doctor the family decided to go together. To their surprise the checkup was done amazingly fast and as it always happens before the puja they needed to spend their hard earned money. Yes it was time to spend so that they can beg for the rest of the month. 

What is the better way to consume the world than to start with a pizza. Pizzahut, was opening and the complaint was on the relative hotness of the shop! Bodies could determine easily if they are going to consume well, in sync with what they plan to consume. 

Sir, ACa are working at full strength, just give it some time! - a sales girl said and they concentrated on the garlic bread and a fantastic pizza. 

The kid is happy in consuming the pizza. And then, bang, the shop is selling socialist appeal as they pledge to provide equal piece to all. 



So it was a happy ending after all as they could spend much more for the consumer's spree before the Durgapuja. 

The kid returned and see what he did. 

Are we really upbringing a consumerist self? Long live revolution Kaleido thought!